Part 7 (1/2)
[Footnote 5: The scene of the Bayeux tapestry opens here.]
[Footnote 6:
'I cannot say how the truth may be, I but tell the tale as 'twas told to me.'
Benoit de Sainte-More sends the archbishop of Canterbury to William, at Edward's desire, to convey his intention of leaving to the duke the inheritance of the English crown.
L'arcevesque de Cantorbire, Li plus hauz hom de son empire, Out en Normendie tramis, Les anz avant, si c.u.m je vos dis, Por afermer ce qu'il li done, Tot le reaume e la corone.
And Harold's mission is described as being expressly intended, in the following year, to confirm the same bequest:
Por estre plus certains e meres, E qu'il n'i sorsist encombrier, Resout l'ovre plus esforcier.
Heraut, qui quens ert del pais, Trestot li plus poesteis Que nul des autres del reiaume, Ce lui tramist al duc Guillaume, Que del regne enterinement Tot qui a la corone apent Li feist feute juree, Eissi c.u.m ele ert devisee: Veut qu'il l'en face serrement Et qu'il l'en donge tenement....]
[Footnote 7: Bosham, near Chichester; a manor which Domesday shows to have belonged to Harold's father G.o.dwin. See Ellis, _Domesday,_ i. 310.]
[Footnote 8: Guy succeeded his brother Enguerran, William's brother-in-law, who was killed before Arques. Guy, after being captured at Mortemer, was, according to _Ordericus Vitalis_, p. 658, kept prisoner at Bayeux, and was ultimately released on homage and fealty to the duke. See our previous notes on this family, and a subsequent one on Aumale. Benoit states positively that a storm carried Harold to Ponthieu:
--trop lor fu la mer sauvage: Kar granz tempers e fort orage Ne les i laissa ariver: Ainceis les covint devaler Dreit en Pontif. La pristrent port, Eissi ateint e eissi mort; Mieux vousissent estre en sezile.]
[Footnote 9: Beaurain on the Canche, arrondiss.e.m.e.nt of Hesdin.]
[Footnote 10: According to _William of Poitiers_, Guy himself conducted his prisoner to William at Eu. Benoit ascribes the surrender to William's threats and military preparations, for which purpose
....manda li dux ses genz Sempres, a milliers e a cenz; Vers Ou chevaucha irascuz Dunt Heraut ne li ert renduz.]
[Footnote 11: The Eaulne.]
[Footnote 12: 'Tales togeder thei told, ilk on a good palfray.' _Robert Brunne's_ Chronicle, quoted in _Thierry_, i. 250. Benoit de Sainte-More says of this part of the story,
Od que li Dux out jostees, Mult granz e mult desmesurees: Por aller essilier Bretons, Vers lui torcenos e felons Qui n'el deignoient sopleier, Le mena od sei osteier; La fist de lui si grant cherte C'unc tant n'out de sa volunte, Ne fu nul leu mais tant joiz Qu'il cil afaires fu feniz.]
[Footnote 13: Adela. According to _Ordericus Vitalis_ it was Agatha, another daughter. He adds a pathetic story as to her felling in love with Harold, and dying of grief at her disappointment, and at an attempt made to consign her to a new match with the king of Gallicia. See _Maseres's_ note, p. 103, and Mr. Amyot's dissertation in the _Archaeologia_. The story of her attachment to Harold is rather inconsistent with the date of 1053, usually a.s.signed to William's marriage; as his daughter would not be more than eleven years old at Harold's visit. The date, however, of the marriage is uncertain. See a note in M. Deville's volume on _St. Georges de Bocherville_. According to Benoit de Sainte-More, it was part of the agreement that Harold should not only have ”Aeliz la proz e la sage,” but with her ”del regne une moitie.” Nothing is said by him of any contrivance as to the relics on which the oath was administered. The oath and agreement, as narrated by him, will be found in the appendix I.]
[Footnote 14: _Ordericus Vitalis_ fixes the scene at Rouen, and _William of Poitiers_ at Bonneville-sur-Touques. The latter places the event before the expedition to Brittany; which, except on Wace's authority, is not known to have occurred more than once.]
[Footnote 15: Either from its figure or the ornaments upon it.]
[Footnote 16: ”Ki Dex li dont!” It is unnecessary to observe how variously these events have been told. In the words of _William of Malmsbury_, 'Lectorem premonitum velim, quod hic quasi ancipitem viam narrationis video, quia veritas factorum pendet in dubio.' The accounts of Thierry, Sir Francis Palgrave, and Depping, may be referred to as those of the latest writers. In Wace we are following the story of a Norman, as told at a Norman court: but on the whole there is little in his history that is at variance with probability, or with the best evidence on the subject. It will be observed that he does not go the full length of some of the Norman historians, in pretending that the English nation gave any formal a.s.sent to Edward's views as to the disposition of his kingdom in favour of his kinsman William.]
[Ill.u.s.tration]
CHAPTER IX.
HOW KING EDWARD DIED, AND HAROLD WAS CROWNED IN HIS STEAD; AND HOW DUKE WILLIAM TOOK COUNSEL AGAINST HIM.
The day came that no man can escape, and king Edward drew near to die.
He had it much at heart, that William should have his kingdom, if possible; but he was too far off, and it was too long to tarry for him, and Edward could not defer his hour. He lay in heavy sickness, in the illness whereof he was to die; and he was very weak, for death pressed hard upon him[1].