Part 41 (1/2)

Now, a clever man--above all, one as clever as Jimmy Grayson--could avoid giving a decided opinion upon this subject. It is party creed for a candidate to stand upon his platform, and, as the platform contained no tariff plank, he was not obliged to take any stand upon the tariff.

Such a course would seem good politics, too, but Harley knew that Mr.

Grayson favored a reduction of the tariff and a liberal measure of reciprocity with neighboring states, and he dreaded the time when the candidate should declare himself upon the subject; he did not see how he could do it without losing many votes, because there was a serious difference of view inside his own party. And Harley's dread grew out of his intense desire to see Mr. Grayson elected. His hero was not perfect--no man was; there were some important truths which he did not yet know, but he was honest, able, and true, and he came nearer to being the ideal candidate than any other man whom he had ever seen. Above all, he represented the principles which Harley, from the bottom of his soul, wished to triumph.

The fight had been begun against great odds, against powerful interests consolidated in a battle-line that at first seemed impervious, but by tremendous efforts they had made progress; the vast energy and the winning personality of Mr. Grayson were a strong weapon, and Harley was gradually sensible that the people were rallying around him in increasing numbers, and by people he did not merely mean the ma.s.ses of the lowest, those who never raise themselves; Harley was never such a demagogue as to think that a man was bad because he had achieved something in the world and had prospered; he had too honest and clear a mind to put a premium upon incapacity and idleness.

Lately he had begun to have hope--a feeling that Mr. Grayson might be elected despite the ”King” Plummer defection was growing upon him, if they could only abide by the issues already formed. But at the best it would be a fight to the finish, with the chances in favor of the other man. Yet his heart was infused with hope until this hateful tariff question began to raise its head. Harley knew that a declaration upon it would split the party, or at least would cut from it a fragment big enough to cause defeat. He devoutly hoped that they would steer clear of this dangerous rock, but he was not so sure of Jimmy Grayson, who, after all, was his own pilot. And his amiability did not alter the fact that he had a strong hand.

Harley at first heard the mutterings of the thunder only from afar; it was being debated in the East among the great manufacturing cities, but as yet the West was untouched by the storm. Mr. Heathcote, the Eastern committeeman, called his attention to it after they had pa.s.sed the mountain-range that divides western Was.h.i.+ngton from eastern Was.h.i.+ngton.

Harley was looking out of the window at the rippling brown plain, which he was told was one of the best wheat countries in the world. ”At first,” said his informant, a pioneer, ”we thought it was a desert, and we thought so, too, for a long time afterwards; it looked like loose sand, and the wind actually blew the soil about as if it were dust. Now, and without irrigation, it produces its thirty bushels of wheat per acre season after season.”

Harley was thinking of this brilliant transformation, when the committeeman, who was sitting just behind him, suddenly changed the channel of his thoughts.

”I have here a Walla Walla paper that will interest you, Mr. Harley,” he said. ”In fact, it is likely to interest us all. The despatch is somewhat meagre, but it will suffice.”

He put his finger on the top head-line of the first page, and Harley read: ”The Tariff an Issue.” He took the paper and read the article carefully. The debate had occurred before an immense audience in Madison Square Garden, in New York City, and according to the despatch it had excited the greatest interest, a statement that Harley could easily believe.

”I was hoping that we would be spared this,” he said, as he laid the paper down and his face became grave. ”Why do they bring it up? It's not in the platform and it should not be made an issue, at least not now.”

”But it is an issue, after all,” replied Mr. Heathcote, ”and I am surprised that the enemy did not raise the question sooner. They must have had some very bad management. They are united on this question, and we are not. If we are forced to come into line of battle on it, then we are divided and they are not; don't you see their advantage?”

”Yes, it is manifest,” replied Harley, gloomily. Then, after a little thought, he began to brighten.

”It is not necessary for Jimmy Grayson to declare himself.”

”He will, if he is asked to do so.”

”But we are away out here in the Western mountains, out of immediate touch with the great centres of population. These thinly settled states are doubtful, those more populous are not. Here they are not interested in the tariff either one way or the other; the subject has scarcely been mentioned on our Western tour; why can we not still keep it in the dark?”

”But, I tell you, if the issue is presented to Jimmy Grayson, he is sure to speak his mind about it.”

”It is for us to see that it is not presented. I don't think it will be done by any of the local population, and we must exercise a censors.h.i.+p over the press. We must try to keep from him all newspapers containing accounts of the tariff debates; we must not let him know that the issue is before the public off there in the East. There is only a month more of the campaign, and, while it is not likely that we can suppress the matter entirely, we may keep it down until it is too late to do much harm.”

”The plan isn't a bad one,” said Mr. Heathcote; ”but we've got to take everybody into the plot. Mr. Grayson alone is to be left in ignorance.”

”They are all his devoted personal friends except Churchill, of the _Monitor_, and I can bully him into silence.”

Harley's face flushed slightly as he made this a.s.sertion with emphasis.

Mr. Heathcote, who was learning much these days, smiled as he observed him.

”Mr. Harley,” he said, ”no one could doubt the reality of your wishes for Mr. Grayson's success.”

All went willingly into the little conspiracy against the extension of Mr. Grayson's knowledge, even Churchill, under the whip and spur of Harley's will, promising a sullen silence. The case itself presented aspects that stirred these men, calling as it did for an alertness of mind and delicacy of handling that appealed to their sense of responsibility; hence it aroused their interest, which in turn begat a desire to succeed.

But Harley, as well as Mr. Heathcote and the others, knew very well that it was not the enemy alone who had raised this new and, as they all feared, fatal issue; even if they had not read it in the despatches, the hand of the minority within their own party was too clearly visible. In the newspapers that reached them constant allusions were made to Mr.

Goodnight, Mr. Crayon, and their a.s.sociates, who were deeply interested in the maintenance of the tariff, and who, it was said, would force Mr.

Grayson to pledge himself to its support; this, it was predicted, they could easily do, as it was obvious that he could not win without the help of this minority.