Part 7 (1/2)
Again I marveled at the lofty tone of this note, and wondered how this moral strength had been so suddenly acquired. Thought I to myself, can this be poor old browbeaten China,--humbled and prostrate before the powers of Europe, unable to protest when her territory is s.n.a.t.c.hed away from her,--now suddenly giving voice to these exalted ideas?
Does it not seem rather ludicrous that she should suddenly proclaim herself the upholder of international law? Like Moses of old, she is now stretching forth her arms; but who are they who uphold those arms?
These solemn notes are given forth to the world, and the world is asked to believe sincerely, as China herself states, that they were ”dictated purely by the desire to further the cause of the world's peace and by the maintenance of the sanct.i.ty of international law.”
Let us believe it, if we can.
An editorial in the ”Shanghai Times,” a British paper, under the date of February 12 throws some light upon the matter. The article is ent.i.tled ”China's Course Clear”; the italics are mine.
To those of us who live in this corner of the Far East, a question of paramount importance is the att.i.tude which the Republic of China is likely to take up in regard to the war. The pendulum of Fate may swing in our favor, and the Peking Government--acting on the counsels of its statesmen _and its friends_--may decide to unite its forces with the Allies. This is a question which interests us individually, it touches our daily lives, and becomes a theme of much discussion at a moment when neutrals are emphasizing to the Hun their rights and their insistence of Germany's recognition of these privileges.... Germans in Shanghai and possibly other ports are to-day existing on the instalments which are being paid as Boxer Indemnity. _The Germans have big interests up north in railway and other enterprises; they penetrated the Customs and captured positions in other Government circles. There is a great deal at stake in China._
This frank and lucid statement contains food for thought. It may possibly lie at the root of China's sudden acquisition of moral strength. It is true that the j.a.panese have acquired Shan-tung since the war, but there are ”big interests up north in railway and other enterprises” which have not yet been captured. Fat plums which may yet be shaken into some expectant lap. But will the Chinese, in spite of their ample skirts, have laps wide enough to catch them? Would it not be well to see that these ripe plums do not fall into the lap of Chinese incompetence?
The Lord knows.
V
FEAR OF THE PLUNGE
China is now wavering on the brink. Having despatched her two notes, and thereby proclaimed herself worthy to rank as a first-cla.s.s power, with a seat at the Peace Table promised her, and all the benefits which accrue therefrom, she still hesitates to make the break.
Unquestionably several of her officials and other prominent men have already succ.u.mbed to what the papers call ”foreign influence,” lured by the words of spellbinders, but there are others who are stoutly resisting all appeals, and who see in such a step dire calamity for the country. The fact that China has no real reason to break with Germany makes the decision more difficult. A plausible excuse of some kind must be offered the country, and such flimsy pretexts as the necessity of upholding the sanct.i.ty of international law are difficult to get away with. The Chinese press is full of the incongruity of the situation, and outspoken of its amus.e.m.e.nt.
Besides keeping the Lao Hsi Kai affair constantly before the people, it is relentless in its denunciation of Vice-President Feng's opium deal, and the methods of the British opium-dealers. Columns in regard to this transaction are published every day in the papers, throwing light on some new phase of it, keeping the public constantly informed regarding it, and asking the people at large to consider well the advisability of allying themselves with such friends as the French and English have proved within the last few months. Thus, in regard to the opium deal we read:
High Official Offered Bribe of $5,000,000. A report is current in the Capital that some time ago, a man representing himself as the Manager of the Shanghai Opium Combine, approached a certain high official and solicited his good offices in consummating the opium transaction, which is now being carried out by the Vice President.
According to the paper, the man promised the high official five million dollars as a ”birthday present,” a euphemistic term for bribery in this country, if the Combine, through his influence, succeeded in concluding a deal with the Government. The attempt fell through because the high official is too honest to be thus corrupted.
Finding the authorities in Peking incorruptible, the Combine turned its attention to Nanking.
Nanking being the residence of Baron Feng.
It is very interesting to watch this struggle, to see the various forces at work. The pa.s.sions of the Chinese are being played upon: the public is constantly reminded of the insults and indignities that China has suffered at the hands of those nations who are now urging her to join with them. The people are not allowed to forget it is through force and bribery that China has been reduced to her present plight; they are asked to be skeptical of promises made by those nations who employ such methods. It is having its effect, too, this press campaign. While the foreign diplomats are working upon a handful of officials, the people are being reminded of the wrongs they have suffered through the machinations of these diplomats, representing predatory powers.
But, after all, the Chinese people, four hundred millions of them, are a negligible quant.i.ty. The ultimate decision rests with a dozen high officials. It simply remains to influence these officials, and the thing is done. They are of three types: those, like the Vice-president, open to direct bribery; those, like the premier, Tuan Chi jui, who have political ambitions and whose ambitions can be played upon (they say Tuan wishes to become president); and certain others, of the younger school, who are dazzled by the promises made to China and are unable to offset these promises with the experience of years. These last rejoice to think that China has been promised a seat at the Peace Table, which means that China is recognized as a first-cla.s.s power. All sorts of inducements are offered, including cancelation of the Boxer indemnity now being paid to Germany. (The Allies have very obligingly decided that payment of their own Boxer indemnities shall be postponed, not canceled.) Also, there are vague, indefinite hints afloat to the effect that if China is very, very good, the Allies will consider, kindly consider, the right of China to raise her customs-duties. She may, perhaps, be allowed some sort of protective tariff. This latter hint is very vague indeed, too nebulous, in fact, to have much weight. But, after all, the cancelation of the German indemnity is something.
The disadvantages, on the other hand, are these: If China enters the war, she must equip her armies. Being virtually bankrupt, she must first borrow. From whom? She must mortgage herself again, to somebody, before she can borrow money to equip her armies. And will the country from whom she borrows money, who agrees to train and equip her armies, also have full military control over the affairs of China? Will that nation be given liberty to suppress her press, to stifle all opposition to whatever moves military necessity may dictate? It looks like complete surrender.
But the Chinese are not blind, not all of them. Nor are they all corruptible. And very few of them have utter, childlike faith in the motives of the Allies.
VI
A DUST-STORM
S---- invited us to go with him to the Gymkana at the race-course.
”It's a rather amusing sight,” he explained. ”You'll see all foreign Peking scrambled together out there.” Then he went on: ”Take the special train from the 'other station,' and, when you arrive, follow the crowd to the club-house. I'm riding out from town, so may possibly be a minute or two late, though I expect to be on hand to welcome you when you arrive. But if I'm a little late, please don't mind.”
We a.s.sured him that we shouldn't mind at all; and then he went on to say that he hoped we'd have a pleasant day and no dust.
These dust-storms are the curse of Peking and of North China. To-day, however (March 5), dawned bright and clear and sunny, as usual; but clear, bright weather is not necessarily the sign of a fine day in this part of the world. Not in spring. Every day is one of brilliant suns.h.i.+ne, the winter suns.h.i.+ne of China just south of the Great Wall, and just south of the Mongolian desert. That's where the dust comes from. It blows in straight from the Gobi Desert, and makes the late winter and the spring, particularly the spring, almost intolerable.