Part 7 (1/2)

The evidence against the Queen seems already decisive, so far as to establish her criminality; but I understand that, in order to guard against a possibility of the contradiction of these facts, the whole crew of the _Vero Fidele_, &c. &c., are to be examined.

Wilberforce's notion of a Committee to be established by Act of Parliament for the trial of this particular case, seems to me too absurd for even him to persist in, since the obvious consequence must be a declaration that the same course must be followed in all subsequent trials, the two Houses being by their own confession as unfit to act judicially as the House of Commons was on election cases; and if that be the case, really the sooner Henry Hunt comes with his long brush to sweep us all out, the better.

Thus had proceeded the months of June, July, and August; in September, affairs looked worse. Libels against the Government abounded; the most violent language was indulged in by the democratic leaders; formidable riots became of frequent occurrence; in short, everything seemed to denote a revolution.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Brighton, Sept. 27, 1820.

MY DEAR LORD,

From all I hear, and from general conversation, I have no doubt if the Bill proceeds in the Commons we shall have a riot, and I doubt extremely whether the Divorce Bill can be carried. I dined yesterday with the Duke of York, who is here alone. His conversation was violent against the Queen, and fair and candid with regard to the state of the country. He spoke, however, with great confidence on the state and disposition of the army; in fact, after all that is said and done, it must eventually depend upon the troops, for sure I am they will be called upon. I took the opportunity of holding the language you suggested, and indeed it is what I really feel. He said it was not intended in the first instance to have troops to guard the avenues of the Commons, but they would be in the way; the whole arrangements would continue; and if the House found it necessary to call for them, there they would be. There has been, as you heard from the K----, a general quarrel between the K----, Duke of York, Lord Liverpool, and the Duke of Gloucester, none of them now speaking to the latter. He has acted like an obstinate ----. What an abominable thing it is the King not going ash.o.r.e, and not showing himself to any of his subjects! His conduct is an excitement to popular hatred. What can it mean? Lord King is here, and appears to me to chuckle quite at the thoughts of what is likely to happen. I fancy a great number of Peers, when it comes to the close, will avoid the vote.

Perry, the editor, who is here, tells me the cry, instead of diminis.h.i.+ng, increases in favour of the Queen; and he does not seem himself to favour her, or at least he does not speak in her praise.

Lord Bathurst is here, and from his language, and that of the Duke of B----, I should say the Government is confoundedly frightened; the latter certainly implied the necessity of strengthening it, and lamented once or twice the want of energy, and the whole line which had been adopted. He leaves this for town to-morrow.

Ever, &c.,

W. H. F.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Six o'clock.

You have no idea of the state of the town: it is all confusion. The King and his Ministers are at issue on the question, as it is said, of the Queen; and the latter have sent in their resignation, unless the propositions they make are complied with. Lord Castlereagh was deputed yesterday to notify this decision to him, and he had a conference of _four_ hours. The King, however, was not to be persuaded, and was again to have a decision of the Cabinet to-day.

It is at this moment sitting at Carlton House. These are, as I am well informed, _facts_. The supposed cause is the Queen. The Council had prepared a Form of Prayer which the King positively refused to sign or sanction. The Funds fell to-day. As to the King forming a Government, after the resignation of all his present servants, with the avowed object of persecuting the Queen, it would be impossible; it would be making her the popular object, and throwing the country in a flame. However, be a.s.sured that the general belief is that the Government will be broken up. You may judge of this when I tell you that my authorities are Lord Conyngham, Lord Howden, and others in the interior of Carlton House. I hear you are at Dropmore, and send this to you. Be a.s.sured that the King on this subject is no less _than mad_ He has said he would rather die, or lose his crown, than submit to any compromise of any sort with the Queen.

Adieu. You shall hear to-morrow.

Ever truly yours,

W. H. F.

In the months of October and November it became evident that the frenzy outside the Houses of Parliament was exerting an influence within its walls. Notwithstanding Lord Grenville's manly declaration in his place in the House of Lords, on the 6th of November, that the proceedings before that a.s.sembly had furnished a ma.s.s of evidence that, in nine hundred and ninety-nine cases out of a thousand, would have ensured a conviction, several influential members of the Whig party as boldly declared that nothing of the slightest importance had been brought forward against the Queen.

The proceedings were drawing on, but the aspect of affairs looked blacker every hour. ”Matters here are in a critical state,” writes Lord Sidmouth to Mr. Bathurst, on the 27th of October. ”Fear and faction are actively and not unsuccessfully at work; and it is possible that we may be in a minority, and that the fate of the Government may be decided in a few days.”[45] Plumer Ward, in his ”Diary,” has this entry under the date of November 2nd:--

[45] Dean Pellew's ”Life of Lord Sidmouth,” vol. iii p. 333.

”Called upon [Wellesley] Pole. He was at breakfast, and we had a long chat. He thought everything very bad--Ministers, Opposition, King, Queen, Country--and what was more, no prospect of getting right. All ties were loosened. Insolence and insubordination out of doors; weakness and wickedness within. The Whigs, he said, were already half Radicals, and would be entirely so if we did not give way. I said his brother, the Duke [of Wellington], felt this too, but would not give way, nevertheless. He replied that the issue would soon be tried, for the Queen's question must determine it; and asked how I calculated it would be. I said I could not hope for a majority of more than thirty--so many friends of Government were against us on the policy, though they had no doubt of the guilt.”[46]

[46] ”Memoirs,” by Phipps, vol. ii. p. 70.

Under these untoward circ.u.mstances, sanguine members of the neutral party were, as usual, speculating on a change in the Government. His Majesty, according to some accounts, was taking the matter very pleasantly. ”The King,” said Wellesley Pole, ”to use his expression, was as merry as a grig. At first he had been annoyed, but was now enjoying himself at Brighton. He wished he would show himself more.”[47]

[47] Ibid. p. 73.