Part 14 (1/2)

From East Anglia Hopkins went westward into Cambridges.h.i.+re. His arrival there must have been during either January or February. His reputation, indeed, had gone ahead of him, and the witches were reported to have taken steps in advance to prevent detection.[61] But their efforts were vain. The witchfinder found not less than four or five of the detested creatures,[62] probably more. We know, however, of only one execution, that of a woman who fell under suspicion because she kept a tame frog.[63]

From Cambridges.h.i.+re, Hopkins's course took him, perhaps in March of 1645/6, into Northamptons.h.i.+re. There he found at least two villages infested, and he turned up some remarkable evidence. So far in his crusade, the keeping of imps had been the test infallible upon which the witchfinder insisted. But at Northampton spectral evidence seems to have played a considerable part.[64] Hopkins never expresses his opinion on this variety of evidence, but his co-worker declares that it should be used with great caution, because ”apparitions may proceed from the phantasie of such as the party use to fear or at least suspect.”

But it was a case in Northamptons.h.i.+re of a different type that seems to have made the most lasting impression on Stearne. Cherrie of Thrapston, ”a very aged man,” had in a quarrel uttered the wish that his neighbor's tongue might rot out. The neighbor thereupon suffered from something which we should probably call cancer of the tongue. Perhaps as yet the possibilities of suggestion have not been so far sounded that we can absolutely discredit the physical effects of a malicious wish. It is much easier, however, to believe the reported utterance imagined after its supposed effect. At all events, Cherrie was forced to confess that he had been guilty and he further admitted that he had injured Sir John Was.h.i.+ngton, who had been his benefactor at various times.[65] He was indicted by the grand jury, but died in gaol, very probably by suicide, on the day when he was to have been tried.[66]

From Northamptons.h.i.+re Hopkins's course led him into Huntingdons.h.i.+re,[67]

a county that seems to have been untroubled by witch alarms since the Warboys affair of 1593. The justices of the peace took up the quest eagerly. The evidence that they gathered had but little that was unusual.[68] Mary Chandler had despatched her imp, Beelzebub, to injure a neighbor who had failed to invite her to a party. An accused witch who was questioned about other possible witches offered in evidence a peculiar piece of testimony. He had a conversation with ”Clarke's sonne of Keiston,” who had said to him (the witness): ”I doe not beleeve you die a Witch, for I never saw you at our meetings.” This would seem to have been a clever fiction to ward off charges against himself. But, strangely enough, the witness declared that he answered ”that perhaps their meetings were at severall places.”

Hopkins did not find it all smooth sailing in the county of Huntingdon.

A clergyman of Great Staughton became outraged at his work and preached against it. The witchfinder had been invited to visit the town and hesitated. Meantime he wrote this bl.u.s.tering letter to one of John Gaule's paris.h.i.+oners.

”My service to your Wors.h.i.+p presented, I have this day received a Letter, &c.--to come to a Towne called Great Staughton to search for evil disposed persons called Witches (though I heare your Minister is farre against us through ignorance) I intend to come (G.o.d willing) the sooner to heare his singular Judgment on the behalfe of such parties; I have known a Minister in Suffolke preach as much against their discovery in a Pulpit, and forc'd to recant it (by the Committee) in the same place. I much marvaile such evill Members[69] should have any (much more any of the Clergy) who should daily preach Terrour to convince such Offenders, stand up to take their parts against such as are Complainants for the King, and sufferers themselves with their Families and Estates. I intend to give your Towne a Visite suddenly, I am to come to Kimbolton this weeke, and it shall bee tenne to one but I will come to your Town first, but I would certainely know afore whether your Town affords many Sticklers for such Cattell, or willing to give and afford us good welcome and entertainment, as other where I have beene, else I shall wave your s.h.i.+re (not as yet beginning in any part of it my selfe) And betake me to such places where I doe and may persist without controle, but with thankes and recompence.”[70]

This stirred the fighting spirit of the vicar of Great Staughton, and he answered the witchfinder in a little book which he published shortly after, and which he dedicated to Colonel Walton of the House of Commons.

We shall have occasion in another chapter to note its point of view.

In spite of opposition, Hopkins's work in Huntingdons.h.i.+re prospered. The justices of the peace were occupied with examinations during March and April. Perhaps as many as twenty were accused.[71] At least half that number were examined. Several were executed--we do not know the exact number--almost certainly at the instance of the justices of the peace.[72] It is pleasant to know that one was acquitted, even if it was after she had been twice searched and once put through the swimming ordeal.[73]

From Huntingdons.h.i.+re it is likely that Hopkins and Stearne made their next excursion into Bedfords.h.i.+re. We know very little about their success here. In two villages it would seem that they were able to track their prey.[74] But they left to others the search which they had begun.[75]

The witchfinder had been active for a little over a year. But during the last months of that time his discoveries had not been so notable. Was there a falling off in interest? Or was he meeting with increased opposition among the people? Or did the a.s.size courts, which resumed their proceedings in the summer of 1646, frown upon him? It is hard to answer the question without more evidence. But at any rate it is clear that during the summer and autumn of 1646 he was not actively engaged in his profession. It is quite possible, indeed, that he was already suffering from the consumption which was to carry him off in the following year. And, with the retirement of its moving spirit, the witch crusade soon came to a close. Almost a twelvemonth later there was a single[76] discovery of witches. It was in the island of Ely; and the church courts,[77] the justices of the peace,[78] and the a.s.size courts,[79] which had now been revived, were able, between them, to hang a few witches.[80]

We do not know whether Hopkins partic.i.p.ated in the Ely affair or not. It seems certain that his co-worker, Stearne, had some share in it. But, if so, it was his last discovery. The work of the two men was ended. They had been pursuing the pack of witches in the eastern counties since March of 1644/5. Even the execrations of those who opposed them could not mar the pleasure they felt in what they had done. Nay, when they were called upon to defend themselves, they could hardly refrain from exulting in their achievements. They had indeed every right to exult.

When we come to make up the roll of their victims, we shall see that their record as witch discoverers surpa.s.sed the combined records of all others.

It is a mistake to suppose that they had acted in any haphazard way. The conduct of both men had been based upon perfectly logical deductions from certain premises. King James's _Daemonologie_ had been their catechism, the statute against the feeding of imps their book of rules.

Both men started with one fundamental notion, that witchcraft is the keeping of imps. But this was a thing that could be detected by marks on the bodies.[81] Both were willing to admit that mistakes could be made and were often made in a.s.suming that natural bodily marks were the Devil's marks. There were, however, special indications by which the difference between the two could be recognized.[82] And the two witchfinders, of course, possessed that ”insight”[83] which was necessary to make the distinction. The theories upon which they worked we need not enter into. Suffice it to say that when once they had proved, as they thought, the keeping of imps, the next step was to watch those accused of it.[84] ”For the watching,” says Stearne,[85] ”it is not to use violence or extremity to force them to confesse, but onely the keeping is, first to see whether any of their spirits, or familiars come to or neere them.” It is clear that both Hopkins and Stearne recognized the fact that confessions wrung from women by torture are worthless and were by this explanation defending themselves against the charge of having used actual torture. There seems to be no adequate reason for doubting the sincerity of their explanation. Stearne tells us that the keeping the witches separate is ”also to the end that G.o.dly Divines might discourse with them.” ”For if any of their society come to them to discourse with them, they will never confesse.”[86] Here, indeed, is a clue to many confessions. Several men arrayed against one solitary and weak woman could break her resolution and get from her very much what they pleased.

As for starving the witches and keeping them from sleep, Stearne maintained that these things were done by them only at first. Hopkins bore the same testimony. ”After they had beat their heads together in the Gaole, and after this use was not allowed of by the Judges and other Magistrates, it was never since used, which is a yeare and a halfe since.”[87] In other words, the two men had given up the practice because the parliamentary commission had compelled them to do so.

The confessions must be received with great caution, Hopkins himself declared.[88] It is so easy to put words into the witch's mouth. ”You have foure Imps, have you not? She answers affirmatively. 'Yes'.... 'Are not their names so and so'? 'Yes,' saith she. 'Did you not send such an Impe to kill my child'? 'Yes,' saith she.” This sort of thing has been too often done, a.s.serted the virtuous witchfinder. He earnestly did desire that ”all Magistrates and Jurors would, a little more than ever they did, examine witnesses about the interrogated confessions.” What a cautious, circ.u.mspect man was this famous witchfinder! The confessions, he wrote, in which confidence may be placed are when the woman, without any ”hard usages or questions put to her, doth of her owne accord declare what was the occasion of the Devil's appearing to her.”[89]

The swimming test had been employed by both men in the earlier stages of their work. ”That hath been used,” wrote Stearne, ”and I durst not goe about to cleere my selfe of it, because formerly I used it, but it was at such time of the yeare as when none tooke any harme by it, neither did I ever doe it but upon their owne request.”[90] A thoughtful man was this Stearne! Latterly he had given up the test--since ”Judge Corbolt”

stopped it[91]--and he had come to believe that it was a way of ”distrusting of G.o.d's providence.”

It can be seen that the men who had conducted the witch crusade were able to present a consistent philosophy of their conduct. It was, of course, a philosophy constructed to meet an attack the force of which they had to recognize. Hopkins's pamphlet and Stearne's _Confirmation_ were avowedly written to put their authors right in the eyes of a public which had turned against them.[92] It seems that this opposition had first shown itself at their home in Ess.e.x. A woman who was undergoing inquisition had found supporters, and, though she was condemned in spite of their efforts, was at length reprieved.[93] Her friends turned the tables by indicting Stearne and some forty others of conspiracy, and apparently succeeded in driving them from the county.[94] In Bury the forces of the opposition had appealed to Parliament, and the Commission of Oyer and Terminer, which, it will be noticed, is never mentioned by the witchfinders, was sent out to limit their activities. In Huntingdons.h.i.+re, we have seen how Hopkins roused a protesting clergyman, John Gaule. If we may judge from the letter he wrote to one of Gaule's paris.h.i.+oners, Hopkins had by this time met with enough opposition to know when it was best to keep out of the way. His boldness was a.s.sumed to cover his fear.

But it was in Norfolk that the opposition to the witchfinders reached culmination. There most pungent ”queries” were put to Hopkins through the judges of a.s.size. He was charged with all those cruelties, which, as we have seen, he attempts to defend. He was further accused of fleecing the country for his own profit.[95] Hopkins's answer was that he took the great sum of twenty s.h.i.+llings a town ”to maintaine his companie with 3 horses.”[96] That this was untrue is sufficiently proved by the records of Stowmarket where he received twenty-three pounds and his traveling expenses. At such a rate for the discoveries, we can hardly doubt that the two men between them cleared from three hundred to a thousand pounds, not an untidy sum in that day, when a day's work brought six pence.

What further action was taken in the matter of the queries ”delivered to the Judges of a.s.size” we do not know. Both Hopkins and Stearne, as we have seen, went into retirement and set to work to exonerate themselves.

Within the year Hopkins died at his old home in Manningtree. Stearne says that he died ”peaceably, after a long sicknesse of a Consumption.”

But tradition soon had it otherwise. Hutchinson says that the story, in his time, was that Hopkins was finally put to the swimming test himself, and drowned. According to another tale, which seems to have lingered in Suffolk, he offered to show the Devil's roll of all the witches in England and so was detected.[97] Butler, in his _Hudibras_, said of him:

”Who after proved himself a witch, And made a rod for his own breech.”

Butler's lines appeared only fifteen years after Hopkin's death, and his statement is evidence enough that such a tradition was already current.

The tradition is significant. It probably means, not that Hopkins really paid such a penalty for his career--Stearne's word is good enough proof to the contrary--but that within his own generation his name had become an object of detestation.