Part 27 (1/2)
”Much better,” said he, ”would it have been for us in the beginning, much better would it be for us now, to consent to a division of our magnificent Empire, and cultivate amicable relations with our estranged brethren, than to seek to hold them to us by the power of the sword. * * * I am reluctantly and despondingly forced to the conclusion that the Union is lost, never to be restored. * * * I see neither North nor South, any sentiment on which it is possible to build a Union. * * * in attempting to preserve our Jurisdiction over the Southern States we have lost our Const.i.tutional Form of Government over the Northern. * * * The very idea upon which this War is founded, coercion of States, leads to despotism. * * * I now believe that there are but two alternatives, and they are either an acknowledgment of the Independence of the South as an independent Nation, or their complete subjugation and extermination as a People; and of these alternatives I prefer the former.”
As Long took his seat, amid the congratulations of his Democratic friends, Garfield arose, and, to compliments upon the former's peculiar candor and honesty, added denunciation for his Treason. After drawing an effective parallel between Lord Fairfax and Robert E. Lee, both of whom had cast their lots unwillingly with the enemies of this Land, when the Wars of the Revolution and of the Rebellion respectively opened, Garfield proceeded: ”But now, when hundreds of thousands of brave souls have gone up to G.o.d under the shadow of the Flag, and when thousands more, maimed and shattered in the Contest, are sadly awaiting the deliverance of death; now, when three years of terrific warfare have raged over us, when our Armies have pushed the Rebellion back over mountains and rivers and crowded it back into narrow limits, until a wall of fire girds it; now, when the uplifted hand of a majestic People is about to let fall the lightning of its conquering power upon the Rebellion; now, in the quiet of this Hall, hatched in the lowest depths of a similar dark Treason, there rises a Benedict Arnold and proposes to surrender us all up, body and spirit, the Nation and the Flag, its genius and its honor, now and forever, to the accursed Traitors to our Country. And that proposition comes-G.o.d forgive and pity my beloved State!-it comes from a citizen of the honored and loyal Commonwealth of Ohio! I implore you, brethren in this House, not to believe that many such births ever gave pangs to my mother-State such as she suffered when that Traitor was born!”
As he uttered these st.u.r.dy words, the House and galleries were agitated with that peculiar rustling movement and low murmuring sound known as a ”sensation,” while the Republican side with difficulty restrained the applause they felt like giving, until he sadly proceeded: ”I beg you not to believe that on the soil of that State another such growth has ever deformed the face of Nature and darkened the light of G.o.d's day.”
The hush that followed was broken by the suggestive whisper: ”Vallandigham!”
”But, ah,” continued the Speaker-as his voice grew sadder still-”I am reminded that there are other such. My zeal and love for Ohio have carried me too far. I retract. I remember that only a few days since, a political Convention met at the Capital of my State, and almost decided, to select from just such material, a representative for the Democratic Party in the coming contest; and today, what claims to be a majority of the Democracy of that State say that they have been cheated or they would have made that choice!”
[This refers to Horatio Seymour, the Democratic Governor of New York.]
After referring to the ”insidious work” of the ”Knights of the Golden Circle” in seeking ”to corrupt the Army and destroy its efficiency;” the ”riots and murders which,” said he, ”their agents are committing throughout the Loyal North, under the lead and guidance of the Party whose Representatives sit yonder across the aisle;” he continued: ”and now, just as the time is coming on when we are to select a President for the next four years, one rises among them and fires the Beacon, throws up the blue-light-which will be seen, and rejoiced over, at the Rebel Capital in Richmond-as the signal that the Traitors in our camp are organized and ready for their h.e.l.lish work! I believe the utterance of to-day is the uplifted banner of revolt. I ask you to mark the signal that blazes here, and see if there will not soon appear the answering signals of Traitors all over the Land. * * * If these men do mean to light the torch of War in all our homes; if they have resolved to begin the fearful work which will redden our streets, and this Capitol, with blood, the American People should know it at once, and prepare to meet it.”
At the close of Mr. Garfield's patriotic and eloquent remarks, Mr. Long again got the floor, declared that what he had said, he believed to be right, and he would ”stand by it,” though he had to ”stand solitary and alone,” and ”even if it were necessary to brave bayonets, and prisons, and all the tyranny which may be imposed by the whole power and force of the Administration.”
Said he: ”I have deliberately uttered my sentiments in that speech, and I will not retract one syllable of it.” And, to ”rub it in” a little stronger, he exclaimed, as he took his seat, just before adjournment: ”Give me Liberty, even if confined to an Island of Greece, or a Canton of Switzerland, rather than an Empire and a Despotism as we have here to-day!”
This treasonable speech naturally created much excitement throughout the Country.
On the following day (Sat.u.r.day, April 9, 1864), immediately after prayer, the reading of the Journal being dispensed with, the Speaker of the House (Colfax) came down from the Speaker's Chair, and, from the floor, offered a Preamble and Resolution, which ended thus: ”Resolved, That Alexander Long, a Representative from the second district of Ohio, having, on the 8th day of April, 1864, declared himself in favor of recognizing the Independence and Nationality of the so-called Confederacy now in arms against the Union, and thereby 'given aid, Countenance and encouragement to persons engaged in armed hostility to the United States,' is hereby expelled.”
The debate which ensued consumed nearly a week, and every member of prominence, on both the Republican and Democratic sides, took part in it-the Democrats almost invariably being careful to protest their own loyalty, and yet attempting to justify the braver and more candid utterances of the accused member.
Mr. c.o.x led off, April 9th, in the defense, by counterattack. He quoted remarks made to the House (March 18, 1864) by Mr. Julian, of Indiana, to the effect that ”Our Country, united and Free, must be saved, at whatever hazard or cost; and nothing, not even the Const.i.tution, must be allowed to hold back the uplifted arm of the Government in blasting the power of the Rebels forever;”-and upon this, adopting the language of another-[Judge Thomas, of Ma.s.sachusetts.]-Mr. c.o.x declared that ”to make this a War, with the sword in one hand to defend the Const.i.tution, and a hammer in the other to break it to pieces, is no less treasonable than Secession itself; and that, outside the pale of the Const.i.tution, the whole struggle is revolutionary.”
He thought, for such words as he had just quoted, Julian ought to have been expelled, if those of Long justified expulsion!
Finally, being pressed by Julian to define his own position, as between the Life of the Nation, and the Infraction of the United States Const.i.tution, Mr. c.o.x said: ”I will say this, that UNDER NO CIRc.u.mSTANCES CONCEIVABLE BY THE HUMAN MIND WOULD I EVER VIOLATE THAT CONSt.i.tUTION FOR ANY PURPOSE!”
This sentiment was loudly applauded, and received with cries of ”THAT IS IT!” ”THAT'S IT!” by the Democratic side of the House, apparently in utter contempt for the express and emphatic declaration of Jefferson that: ”A strict observance of the written laws is doubtless one of the highest duties of a good citizen, but it is not the highest. The laws of Necessity, of Self-preservation, of SAVING OUR COUNTRY WHEN IN DANGER, are of higher obligation. To LOSE OUR COUNTRY by a scrupulous adherence to written law WOULD BE TO LOSE THE LAW ITSELF, with Life, Liberty, Property, and all those who are enjoying them with us; thus absolutely SACRIFICING THE END TO THE MEANS.”
[In a letter to J. B. Colvin, Sept. 20, 1810, quoted at the time for their information, and which may be found at page 542 of vol. v., of Jefferson's Works.]
Indeed these extreme sticklers for the letter of the Const.i.tution, who would have sacrificed Country, kindred, friends, honesty, truth, and all ambitions on Earth and hopes for Heaven, rather than violate it-for that is what Mr. c.o.x's announcement and the Democratic endors.e.m.e.nt of it meant, if they meant anything-were of the same stripe as those querulous Ancients, for the benefit of whom the Apostle wrote: ”For THE LETTER KILLETH, but the Spirit giveth life.”
And now, inspired apparently by the reckless utterances of Long, if not by the more cautious diatribe of c.o.x, Harris of Maryland, determining if possible to outdo them all, not only declared that he was willing to go with his friend Long wherever the House chose to send him, but added: ”I am a peace man, a radical peace man; and I am for Peace by the recognition of the South, for the recognition of the Southern Confederacy; and I am for acquiescence in the doctrine of Secession.” And, said he, in the midst of the laughter which followed the sensation his treasonable words occasioned, ”Laugh as you may, you have got to come to it!” And then, with that singular obfuscation of ideas engendered, in the heads of their followers, by the astute Rebel-sympathizing leaders, he went on: ”I am for Peace, and I am for Union too. I am as good a Union man as any of you. [Laughter.] I am a better Union man than any of you! [Great Laughter.] * * * I look upon War as Disunion.”
After declaring that, if the principle of the expulsion Resolution was to be carried out, his ”friend,” Mr. Long, ”would be a martyr in a glorious cause”-he proceeded to announce his own candidacy for expulsion, in the following terms: ”Mr. Speaker, in the early part of this Secession movement, there was a Resolution offered, pledging men and money to carry on the War. My principles were then, and are now, against the War. I stood, solitary and alone, in voting against that Resolution, and whenever a similar proposition is brought here it will meet with my opposition. Not one dollar, nor one man, I swear, by the Eternal, will I vote for this infernal, this stupendous folly, more stupendous than ever disgraced any civilized People on the face of G.o.d's Earth. If that be Treason, make the most of it!
”The South asked you to let them go in peace. But no, you said you would bring them into subjugation. That is not done yet, and G.o.d Almighty grant that it never may be. I hope that you will never subjugate the South. If she is to be ever again in the Union, I hope it will be with her own consent; and I hope that that consent will be obtained by some other mode than by the sword. 'If this be Treason, make the most of it!'”
An extraordinary scene at once occurred-Mr. Tracy desiring ”to know whether, in these Halls, the gentleman from Maryland invoked Almighty G.o.d that the American Arms should not prevail?” ”Whether such language is not Treason?” and ”whether it is in order to talk Treason in this Hall?”-his patriotic queries being almost drowned in the incessant cries of ”Order!” ”Order!” and great disorder, and confusion, on the Democratic side of the House.
Finally the treasonable language was taken down by the Clerk, and, while a Resolution for the expulsion of Mr. Harris was being written out, Mr. Fernando Wood-coming, as he said, from a bed of ”severe sickness,” quoted the language used by Mr. Long, to wit: ”I now believe there are but two alternatives, and they are either the acknowledgment of the Independence of the South as an independent Nation, or their complete subjugation and extermination as a People; and of these alternatives I prefer the former”-and declared that ”if he is to be expelled for the utterance of that sentiment, you may include me in it, because I concur fully in that sentiment.”
[He afterwards (April 11,) said he did not agree with Mr. Long's opinions.]
Every effort was unavailingly made by the Democrats, under the lead of Messrs. c.o.x-[In 1886 American Minister at Constantinople.]-and Pendleton,-[In 1886 American Minister at Berlin.]-to prevent action upon the new Resolution of expulsion, which was in these words: ”Whereas, Hon. Benjamin G. Harris, a member of the House of Representatives of the United States from the State of Maryland, has on this day used the following language, to wit: 'The South asked you to let them go in peace. But no; you said you would bring them into subjection. That is not done yet, and G.o.d Almighty grant that it never may be. I hope that you will never subjugate the South.' And whereas, such language is treasonable, and is a gross disrespect of this House: Therefore, Be it Resolved, That the said Benjamin G. Harris be expelled from this House.”
Upon reaching a vote, however, the Resolution was lost, there being only 81 yeas, to 58 (Democratic) nays-two-thirds not having voted affirmatively. Subsequently, despite Democratic efforts to obstruct, a Resolution, declaring Harris to be ”an unworthy Member” of the House, and ”severely” censuring him, was adopted.
The debate upon the Long-expulsion Resolution now proceeded, and its mover, in view of the hopelessness of securing a two-thirds affirmative vote, having accepted an amendment comprising other two Resolutions and a Preamble, the question upon adopting these was submitted on the 14th of April. They were in the words following: ”Whereas, ALEXANDER LONG, a Representative from the second district of Ohio, by his open declarations in the National Capitol, and publications in the City of New York, has shown himself to be in favor of a recognition of the so-called Confederacy now trying to establish itself upon the ruins of our Country, thereby giving aid and comfort to the Enemy in that destructive purpose-aid to avowed Traitors, in creating an illegal Government within our borders, comfort to them by a.s.surances of their success and affirmations of the justice of their Cause; and whereas, such conduct is at the same time evidence of disloyalty, and inconsistent with his oath of office, and his duty as a Member of this Body: Therefore, ”Resolved, That the said Alexander Long, a Representative from the second district of Ohio, be, and he is hereby declared to be an unworthy Member of the House of Representatives.
”Resolved, That the Speaker shall read these Resolutions to the said Alexander Long during the session of the House.”
The first of these Resolutions was adopted, by 80 yeas to 69 nays; the second was tabled, by 71 yeas to 69 nays; and the Preamble was agreed to, by 78 yeas to 63 nays.
And, among the 63 Democrats, who were not only unwilling to declare Alexander Long ”an unworthy Member,” or to have the Speaker read such a declaration to him in a session of the House, but also refused by their votes even to intimate that his conduct evidenced disloyalty, or gave aid and comfort to the Enemy, were the names of such democrats as c.o.x, Eldridge, Holman, Kernan, Morrisson, Pendleton, Samuel J. Randall, Voorhees, and Fernando Wood.
Hence Mr. Long not only escaped expulsion for his treasonable utterances, but did not even receive the ”severe censure” which, in addition to being declared (like himself) ”an unworthy Member,” had been voted to Mr. Harris for recklessly rus.h.i.+ng into the breach to help him!
[The Northern Democracy comprised two well-recognized cla.s.ses: The Anti-War (or Peace) Democrats, commonly called ”Copperheads,” who sympathized with the Rebellion, and opposed the War for the Union; and the War (or Union) Democrats, who favored a vigorous prosecution of the War for the preservation of the Union.]
CHAPTER XXVI.
”THIRTEENTH AMENDMENT” DEFEATED IN THE HOUSE.
The debate in the House of Representatives, upon the Thirteenth Amendment to the Const.i.tution-interrupted by the treasonable episode referred to in the last Chapter-was subsequently resumed.
Meanwhile, however, Fort Pillow had been stormed, and its garrison of Whites and Blacks, ma.s.sacred.
And now commenced the beginning of the end-so far as the Military aspect of the Rebellion was concerned. Early in May, Sherman's Atlanta Campaign commenced, and, simultaneously, General Grant began his movement toward Richmond. In quick succession came the news of the b.l.o.o.d.y battles of the Wilderness, and those around Spottsylvania, Va.; at Buzzard Roost Gap, Snake Creek Gap, and Dalton, Ga.; Drury's Bluff, Va.; Resaca, Ga.; the battles of the North Anna, Va.; those around Dallas, and New Hope church, Ga; the crossing of Grant's forces to the South side of the James and the a.s.sault on Petersburg. While the Union Armies were thus valiantly attacking and beating those of the Rebels, on many a sanguinary field the loyal men of the North, both in and out of Congress, pressed for favorable action upon the Thirteenth Amendment. ”Friends of the wounded in Fredericksburg from the Battle of the Wilderness”-exclaimed Horace Greeley in the New York Tribune, of May 31st,-”friends and relatives of the soldiers of Grant's Army beyond the Wilderness, let us all join hands and swear upon our Country's altar that we will never cease this War until African Slavery in the United States is dead forever, and forever buried!”
Peace Democrats, however, were deaf to all such entreaties. On the very same day, Mr. Holman, in the House, objected even to the second reading of the Joint Resolution Amendatory of the Const.i.tution, and there were so many ”Peace Democrats” to back him, that the vote was: 55 yeas to 76 nays, on the question ”shall the Joint Resolution be rejected!”
The old cry, that had been repeated by Hendricks and others, in the Senate and House, time and again, was still used-threadbare though it was-”this is not the right time for it!” On this very day, for instance, Mr. Herrick said: ”I ask if this is the proper time for our People to consider so grave a measure as the Amendment of the Const.i.tution in so vital a point? * * * this is no fitting time for such work.”
Very different was the att.i.tude of Kellogg, of New York, and well did he show up the depths to which the Democracy-the Peace Democracy-had now fallen. ”We are told,” said he, ”of a War Democracy, and such there are-their name is legion-good men and true; they are found in the Union ranks bearing arms in support of the Government and the Administration that wields it. At the ballot-box, whether at home or in the camp, they are Union men, and vote as they fight, and hold little in common with the political leaders of the Democratic Party in or out of this Hall-the Seymours, the Woods, the Vallandighams, the Woodwards, and their indorsers, who hold and control the Democratic Party here, and taint it with Treason, till it is a stench in the nostrils of all patriotic men.”
After referring to the fact that the leaders of the Rebellion had from the start relied confidently upon a.s.sistance from the Northern Democracy, he proceeded: ”The Peace Democracy, and mere Party-hacks in the North, are fulfilling their masters' expectations industriously, unceasingly, and as far as in them lies. Not even the shouts for victory, in these Halls, can divert their Southern allies here. A sullen gloom at the defeat and discomfiture of their Southern brethren settles down on their disastrous countenances, from which no ray of joy can be reflected. * * * They even vote solid against a law to punish guerrillas.
”Sir,” continued he, ”in my judgment, many of those who withhold from their Country the support they would otherwise give, find allegiance to Party too strong for their patriotism. * * * Rejecting the example and counsels of Stanton and d.i.c.kinson and Butler and Douglas and Dix and Holt and Andrew Johnson and Logan and Rosecrans and Grant and a host of others, all Democrats of the straightest sect, to forget all other ties, and cleave only to their Country for their Country's sake, and rejecting the overtures and example of the Republican Party to drop and forget their Party name, that all might unite and band together for their Country's salvation as Union men, they turn a deaf ear and cold shoulder, and sullenly pa.s.s by on the other side, thanking G.o.d they are not as other men are, and lend, if at all, a calculating, qualified, and conditional and halting support, under protest, to their Country's cause; thus justifying the only hope of the Rebellion to-day, that Party spirit at the North will distract its counsels, divide and discourage and palsy its efforts, and ultimately make way for the Traitor and the parricide to do their worst.”