Part 4 (1/2)
”I have strong hopes that the Missouri State Convention, at its approaching session, will adopt such measures for the speedy emanc.i.p.ation of slaves as will secure the acquiescence of the large majority of Union men, though perhaps not quite satisfactory to either extreme. If this hope be realized, one of my most embarra.s.sing difficulties will be removed, or at least greatly diminished.”
The military problem in that department, as understood by me and by my superiors in Was.h.i.+ngton, was at that time a comparatively simple one, though my predecessor in command of the department entertained different views. With my views of the military situation, whether confined to my own department or extended to embrace the entire country, there was but one course to pursue, namely, to send all available forces to a.s.sist in the capture of Vicksburg and the opening of the Mississippi to the gulf. After that I could easily operate from points on the Mississippi as a base, capture Little Rock and the line of the Arkansas, and then make that river the base of future operations.
Hence, in response to a request from General Halleck, I at once sent to General Grant and other commanders at the front all the troops I could possibly spare, saying at the same time that this would leave me very weak, but that I was ”willing to risk it in view of the vast importance of Grant's success.”
Thus I began my military operations by stripping the department of troops to the lowest possible defensive limit. But this was what I had so earnestly urged before, when in a subordinate position; and I was glad to do it when the responsibility rested upon me. My loss of troops to Grant was returned with interest as soon as practicable after Vicksburg had fallen, and I was then able to advance a large force, under General Steele, for the capture of Little Rock, resulting in holding the entire line of the Arkansas River from that time forward.
At the time I had met General Grant but once, and then only for a moment, and I have always a.s.sumed that the timely aid sent him at Vicksburg was the foundation for the kind and generous friends.h.i.+p and confidence which he ever afterward manifested toward me, and which, with the like manifestations of approval from President Lincoln, are to me the most cherished recollections of my official career.
TROOPS SENT TO GENERAL GRANT
The appreciation of my action in Was.h.i.+ngton was expressed by General Halleck in a letter dated July 7, 1863, in which he said: ”The promptness with which you sent troops to General Grant gave great satisfaction here”; and by the President himself, in a letter to the ”Hon. Charles D. Drake and others, committee,” dated October 5, 1863, in which he wrote: ”Few things have been so grateful to my anxious feelings as when, in June last, the local force in Missouri aided General Schofield to so promptly send a large general force to the relief of General Grant, then investing Vicksburg and menaced from without by General Johnston.”
It would have been impossible for me to send away more than a small part of those troops if I had not been able to replace them by Missouri militia. This General Curtis had probably been unable to do because of the unfortunate antagonism between him and the State government; and perhaps this much ought to be said in explanation of his apparently selfish policy of retaining so many idle troops in Missouri. For my part, I could see neither necessity nor excuse for quarreling with the governor of Missouri, and thus depriving myself and the nation of his legitimate aid. Governor Gamble was perhaps ”behind the times” in his views on the slavery question, although decidedly in favor of gradual emanc.i.p.ation; and he was utterly intolerant of those radical schemes for accomplis.h.i.+ng ends by lawless means, then so loudly advocated. I thought at the time a more radical policy might possibly tend to harmonize the Union factions and allay the excitement, and frequently told Governor Gamble that it would be necessary to adopt a policy on the negro question more in harmony with the views of the administration and of the Northern people. To this the governor a.s.sented, and seemed desirous of going as far in that direction as he could carry the Union people of Missouri with him. From his seat in the State Convention at Jefferson City he made a speech advocating emanc.i.p.ation in a much shorter period than the convention could finally be prevailed upon to adopt, while I was using my personal influence with members to the same end.
But it soon became evident that nothing would satisfy the radical leaders short of the overthrow of the existing State government; that a reconciliation of the quarrel between the ”pestilent factions” ( 1) in Missouri, so much desired by Mr. Lincoln, was exactly what the radicals did not want and would not have. Satisfied of this and disgusted with the abuse heaped upon him by men who owed him warm and honest support, Governor Gamble tendered his resignation to the convention, then in session. His resignation was not accepted, and by a ”majority of the convention and mult.i.tudes of private citizens” he was requested to withdraw it. In this request I united, for I could see no possibility of improvement under any governor that the convention-a very conservative body-might elect, while the result might be confusion worse confounded.
CONDITIONS OF GOVERNOR GAMBLE'S CONTINUING
The governor submitted to me the following letter including conditions upon which he would consent to continue in office:
”Major-General Schofield.
”General: For the purpose of restoring order and law and maintaining the authority of the Federal and State governments in the State of Missouri, it is necessary that we have an understanding as to the most important measures to be adopted.
”I have tendered my resignation as governor, and have been requested to withdraw it on the ground that it is necessary to the peace and quiet of the State that I remain in office. In this request you have united with a majority of the convention and mult.i.tudes of private citizens. I am willing to accede to the request, and, if an ordinance of emanc.i.p.ation is pa.s.sed, to remain in office, if on the part of the government I can be sure of its co-operation in my efforts to preserve the peace and remove all causes of dissension and dissatisfaction from among the people.
”I think it necessary that the following measures be adopted by you as the commanding general of the department:
”First. That it be distinctly made known that the provisional government of the State is the government recognized by the government of the United States, and that any attempt, in any way, to interfere by violence, or by tumultuous a.s.semblages, or in any other unlawful manner, will be suppressed by the power of the government of the United States.
”Second. That the functions of civil government of the State will be supported and upheld, and that the process of the State in civil and criminal matters may be executed in all posts and encampments of the troops of the United States, and that resistance thereto by military persons shall be punished.
”Third. That no recruiting of negroes within this State shall be recognized, unless the persons recruiting them shall be able to produce the written permission of the governor of the State; and that any person attempting to recruit without such permission, if he be in the military service shall be immediately prohibited from all such conduct, and if in civil life shall be proceeded against by the State authorities, without any interference by the military.
”Fourth. That no countenance or encouragement shall be given to provost-marshals, or others in military authority, in any proceedings against the property of citizens, slaves included, upon the ground of its being liable to confiscation; but the confiscation shall be executed by the civil officers of the United States, as is directed by the authorities at Was.h.i.+ngton.
”When we arrive at a perfect understanding between ourselves, I am willing to put myself in the same boat with you, and we will sink or swim together. If you should be censured or removed from this command because of what is done to carry these propositions into effect, I will abandon office immediately ... ”
To this I replied verbally that I could not enter into any agreement as to the policy to be pursued by me as commander of the department; that I must hold myself free to pursue such course as circ.u.mstances should from time to time indicate, or such as might be ordered by the President; my policy would be indicated from time to time by my general orders; in some respects it would doubtless conflict with that submitted by his Excellency. Nevertheless the governor finally consented to withdraw his resignation.
The convention at length pa.s.sed an ordinance providing for the gradual extinction of slavery in the State, and adjourned. The feeling of bitterness between the opposing factions rather increased than diminished during its session.
ANTI-SLAVERY VIEWS
The following letter to my friend Mr. Williams, which was published in the New York and St. Louis papers with my consent, made sufficiently clear the views I then entertained upon the slavery question, and left no reasonable ground for any emanc.i.p.ationist to quarrel with me on that subject, however much he may have been dissatisfied with the action of the convention,-just as my letter of June 1 to the President left him no room for doubt-if, indeed, he had entertained any before-upon the question then deemed so important:
”Headquarters, Dep't of the Missouri, ”St. Louis, June 1, 1863.
”J. E. Williams, Esq.
”Pres't Metropolitan Bank, New York.
”My dear Sir: Professor Bartlett has informed me of the interest you have manifested in my promotion and connection with this department, and, above all, that you have done me the kindness to a.s.sert my soundness on the important question of the day.