Part 23 (1/2)
The Socialist-Revolutionists of the Left in their organ, _The Flag of Labor_, repeated in the wake of the Bolsheviki, ”We will uphold the Const.i.tuent a.s.sembly in _the measure we_--”
Afterward we see no longer questions or prudent ”ifs,” but distinct answers. ”The majority of the Const.i.tuent a.s.sembly is formed,” said the Bolsheviki, ”of Socialist-Revolutionists and Cadets--that is to say, enemies of the people. This composition a.s.sures it of a counter-revolutionary spirit. Its destiny is therefore clear. Historic examples come to its aid. _The victorious people has no need of a Const.i.tuent a.s.sembly. It is above the Const.i.tuante_. It has gone beyond it.” The Russian people, half illiterate, were made to believe that in a few weeks they had outgrown the end for which millions of Russians had fought for almost a century; that they no longer had need of the most perfect form of popular representation, such as did not exist even in the most cultivated countries of western Europe. To the Const.i.tuent a.s.sembly, legislative organ due to equal, direct, and secret universal suffrage, they opposed the Soviets, with their recruiting done by hazard and their elections to two or three degrees,[92] the Soviets which were the revolutionary organs and not the legislative organs, and whose role besides none of those who fought for the Const.i.tuent a.s.sembly sought to diminish.
V
_The Fight Concentrates Around the Const.i.tuent a.s.sembly_
This was a maneuver whose object appeared clearly. The defenders of the Const.i.tuent a.s.sembly had evidence of what was being prepared. The peasants who waited with impatience the opening of the Const.i.tuent a.s.sembly sent delegates to Petrograd to find out the cause of the delay of the convocation. These delegates betook themselves to the Executive Committee of the Soviet of Peasants' Delegates (11 Kirillovskaia Street), and to the Socialist-Revolutionist fraction of the members of the Const.i.tuante (2 Bolotnai Street). This last fraction worked actively at its proper organization. A bureau of organization was elected, commissions charged to elaborate projects of law for the Const.i.tuante. The fraction issued bulletins explaining to the population the program which the Socialist-Revolutionists were going to defend at the Const.i.tuante. Active relations were undertaken with the provinces. At the same time the members of the fraction, among whom were many peasants and workmen, followed up an active agitation in the workshops and factories of Petrograd, and among the soldiers of the Preobrajenski Regiment and some others. The members of the Executive Committee of the Soviet of Peasants' Delegates worked in concert with them. It was precisely the opinion of the peasants and of the workmen which had most importance in the fight against the Bolsheviki. They, the true representatives of the people, were listened to everywhere; people were obliged to reckon with them.
It was under these conditions that the Democratic Conference met. Called by the Provisional Government, it comprised representatives of the Soviets, of parties, of organizations of the army, peasant organizations, co-operatives, zemstvos, agricultural committees, etc. Its object was to solve the question of power until the meeting of the Const.i.tuent a.s.sembly.
At this conference the Bolsheviki formed only a small minority; but they acted as masters of the situation, calling, in a provocative manner, all those who were not in accord with them, ”Kornilovist, counter-revolutionaries, traitors!” Because of this att.i.tude the conference, which ought to have had the character of an a.s.sembly deciding affairs of state, took on the character of a boisterous meeting, which lasted several days of unending twaddle. What the Bolsheviki wanted was a verbal victory--to have shouted more loudly than their opponents. The same speeches were repeated every day. Some upheld a power exclusively Socialist, others--the majority composed of delegates from different corners of the country--sanctioned an agreement with all the democratic elements.
The provincial delegates, having come with a view to serious work, returned to their homes, carrying with them a painful impression of lost opportunities, of useless debates.
There remained but a few weeks before the convocation of the Const.i.tuent a.s.sembly. Those who voted against a government exclusively Socialist did not think that, under the troublesome conditions of the time, they could expose the country to the risk of a dispersion of strength; they feared the possible isolation of the government in face of certain elements whose help could not be relied on. But they did not take into account a fact which had resulted from the Kornilovist insurrection: the natural distrust of the working ma.s.ses in presence of all the non-Socialists, of those who--not being in immediate contact with them--placed themselves, were it ever so little, more on the right.
The Democratic conference resulted in the formation of a Pre-Parliament.
There the relations, between the forces in presence of each other, were about the same. Besides the Bolsheviki soon abandoned the Pre-Parliament, for they were already preparing their insurrection which curtailed the dissolution of that inst.i.tution.
”We are on the eve of a Bolshevik insurrection”--such was, at this time, the opinion of all those who took part in political life. ”We are rus.h.i.+ng to it with dizzy rapidity. The catastrophe is inevitable.” But what is very characteristic is this, that, while preparing their insurrection, the Bolsheviki, in their press, did not hesitate to treat as liars and calumniators all those who spoke of the danger of this insurrection, and that on the eve of a conquest of power (with arms ready) premeditated and well prepared in advance.
During the whole period that preceded the Bolshevik insurrection a great creative work was being carried on in the country in spite of the undesirable phenomena of which we have spoken above.
1. With great difficulty there were established organs of a local, autonomous administration, volost and district zemstvos, which were to furnish a basis of organization to the government zemstvos. The zemstvo of former times was made up of only cla.s.s representatives; _the elections to the new zemstvos were effected by universal suffrage, equal, direct, and secret_. These elections were a kind of schooling for the population, showing it the practical significance of universal suffrage, and preparing it for the elections to the Const.i.tuent a.s.sembly. At the same time they laid the foundation of a local autonomous administration.
2. Preparations for the election to the Const.i.tuent a.s.sembly were made; an agitation, an intense propaganda followed; preparations of a technical order were made. This was a difficult task because of the great number of electors, the dispersion of the population, the great number of illiterate, etc. Everywhere special courts had been established, in view of the elections, to train agitators and instructors, who afterward were sent in great numbers into the country.
3. _At the same time the ground was hurriedly prepared for the law concerning the socialization of the soil._ The abandonment of his post by Tchernov, Minister of Agriculture, did not stop this work. The princ.i.p.al agricultural committee and the Minister of Agriculture, directed by Rakitnikov and Vikhiliaev, hastened to finish this work before the convocation of the Const.i.tuent a.s.sembly. The Revolutionary Socialist party decided to keep for itself the post of Minister of Agriculture; for the position they named S. Maslov, who had to exact from the government an immediate vote on the law concerning the socialization of the soil. _The study of this law in the Council of Ministers was finished. Nothing more remained to be done but to adopt and promulgate it. Because of the excitement of the people in the country, it was decided to do this at once, without waiting for the Const.i.tuent a.s.sembly_. Finally, to better realize the conditions of the time, it must be added that the whole country awaited anxiously the elections to the Const.i.tuent a.s.sembly. All believed that this was going to settle the life of Russia.
VI
_The Bolshevist Insurrection_
It was under these conditions that the Bolshevist _coup d'etat_ happened.
In the capitals as well as in the provinces, it was accomplished by armed force; at Petrograd, with the help of the sailors of the Baltic fleet, of the soldiers of the Preobrajenski, s.e.m.e.novski, and other regiments, in other towns with the aid of the local garrisons. Here, for example, is how the Bolshevist _coup d'etat_ took place at Saratov. I was a witness to these facts myself. Saratov is a big university and intellectual center, possessing a great number of schools, libraries, and divers a.s.sociations designed to elevate the intellectual standard of the population. The zemstvo of Saratov was one of the best in Russia. The peasant population of this province, among whom the Revolutionary Socialist propaganda was carried on for several years by the Revolutionary Socialist Party, is wide awake and well organized. The munic.i.p.ality and the agricultural committees were composed of Socialists. The population was actively preparing for the elections to the Const.i.tuent a.s.sembly; the people discussed the list of candidates, studied the candidates' biographies, as well as the programs of the different parties.
On the night of October 28th, by reason of an order that had come from Petrograd, the Bolshevik _coup d'etat_ broke out at Saratov. The following forces were its instruments: the garrison which was a stranger to the ma.s.ses of the population, a weak party of workers, and, in the capacity of leaders, some Intellectuals who, up to that time, had played no role in the public life of the town.
It was indeed a military _coup d'etat_. The city hall, where sat the Socialists, who were elected by equal, direct, and secret universal suffrage, was surrounded by the soldiers; machine-guns were placed in front and the bombardment began. This lasted a whole night; some were wounded, some killed. The munic.i.p.al judges were arrested. Soon after a Manifesto solemnly announced to the population that the ”enemies of the people,” the ”counter-revolutionaries,” were overthrown; that the power at Saratov was going to pa.s.s into the hands of the Soviet (Bolshevist) of the Workmen's and Soldiers' Delegates.
The population was perplexed; the people thought that they had sent to the Town Hall Socialists, men of their choice. Now these men were declared ”enemies of the people,” were shot down or arrested by other Socialists.
What did all this mean? And the inhabitant of Saratov felt a fear stealing into his soul at the sight of this violence; he began to doubt the value of the Socialist idea in general. The faith of former times gave place to doubt, disappointment, and discouragement. The _coup d'etat_ was followed by divers other manifestations of Bolshevist activity--arrests, searches, confiscation of newspapers, ban on meetings. Bands of soldiers looted the country houses in the suburbs of the city; a school for the children of the people and the buildings of the children's holiday settlement were also pillaged. Bands of soldiers were forthwith sent into the country to cause trouble there.
_The sensible part of the population of Saratov severely condemned these acts_ in a series of Manifestos signed by the Printers' Union, the mill workers, the City Employees' Union, Postal and Telegraph Employees, students' organizations, and many other democratic a.s.sociations and organizations.