Part 40 (1/2)

”Yes, gentlemen,” he went on, striking the bundle of papers which lay upon the desk before him, ”I have here doc.u.mentary evidence of the traitorous actions of this camarilla, who are attempting to lead Russia to her doom--papers which shall be revealed to you all in due course. It is said that the Prime Minister has already left the Chamber to make a personal report to His Majesty of the President's speech. All I trust is that the words I have just uttered will also reach the Emperor's ears, and that he will trouble himself to examine the irrefutable evidence of Rasputin's diabolical work at the Palace and in the Ministries, and the crafty machinations of the 'black forces' in our midst.”

The Manuiloff disclosures were sufficiently dramatic, but this outspoken exposure of Rasputin, the more bitter, perhaps, because of my warnings of the two attempts to a.s.sa.s.sinate him, caused the House to gasp.

The very name of Rasputin had only been breathed in whispers, and his cult was referred to vaguely as something mysterious connected with the occult. But in that speech, to which I sat and listened, Miliukoff hit straight from the shoulder, and called a spade a spade. One of his phrases was, ”Russia can never win so long as this convicted criminal and seducer of women is allowed to work his amazing power upon the rulers of the Empire. Remove him!” he went on. ”Let him be placed safely within the walls of Peter and Paul, together with his 'sisters,' and with all his brother-traitors, and then there will be no more suggestion of a separate peace. Remove his evil influence!” shouted the fine orator, his voice ringing through the Chamber. ”I say, remove him from the Imperial circle, or Russia is doomed!”

I left the Duma by that long stone staircase with a feeling that at last the power behind the Throne, nay, the very Throne itself, was broken.

I sped to Rasputin's house, and with pretended regret related all that had occurred.

Hearing it, he sprang to the telephone, declaring in a hoa.r.s.e voice: ”The Censor must prohibit every word of it from publication. I will demand this of Nicholas!”

And a few moments later he was speaking with the Emperor, urging that an order to the Censor be immediately issued--a suggestion that was at once carried out.

Meanwhile a dramatic scene was being enacted in the Empress's boudoir, for that day proved the beginning of the end of the holy Father's career, as well as that of Alexandra Feodorovna, Empress of Russia.

CHAPTER XV

THE TRAITOR DENOUNCED

THE Empress, on hearing what had happened in the Duma, had a fit of hysterics. Nicholas was present while the Court physician administered restoratives. Then, without a word, he turned, and, leaving his wife in the care of the traitress Anna Vyrubova, he left for General Headquarters.

When Rasputin was informed by telephone of the Emperor's departure he became furious.

”He fears to meet Sturmer!” he cried to me. ”He is leaving him in the lurch.”

And this he did, for the next day the fate of Russia trembled in the balance, while the Black Monk went about to the Ministers in frantic haste, hoping and plotting to turn public opinion again in his favour.

The charlatan, who could work miracles, and was the Heaven-sent saviour of Russia, had been exposed as a mere impostor. Sturmer's position had also become desperate under the concerted attacks of the Duma. A meeting of the Cabinet was held, at which the monk was present. Sturmer, with Protopopoff's support, proposed to dissolve the Duma. Some members opposed the suggestion, whereupon Sturmer resolved to execute it upon his own initiative.

In Rasputin's room, and in my presence, he drew up a doc.u.ment to that effect, but to make it law it required the Tsar's consent, and Nicholas was far away. It was Sturmer or the Duma.

Alexandra Feodorovna and Rasputin were both working with Sturmer to dissolve the people's representatives, and again prevent them from rea.s.sembling.

As Rasputin put it to me clearly that night:

”Feodor, this is a great crisis. The Duma and Sturmer are incompatible.

The victory of the latter will mean revolution. The triumph of the Duma will indicate the winning of the battle by the democracy. To achieve his purpose, Sturmer needs an audience with the Tsar, and he must have it.

Alexandra Feodorovna seems to be failing us, for Nicholas has hidden himself, hoping that the storm will blow over.”

Sturmer strained every effort to obtain audience with the Emperor, but he was elusive, and for days no one knew where he was. An audience would mean the dissolution of the Duma, and this Nicholas feared would bring revolution.

As is well known, by a record published by an American journalist, there suddenly appeared in the Duma the Ministers of War and Marine, General Shuvaiev and Admiral Grigorovitch. They announced that they had a statement to make. The representatives of the people held their breath in suspense. The War Minister mounted the tribune, and paid a tribute to the people's efforts in the cause of national defence, requesting the Duma's and the country's future co-operation in the work of equipping the army.

The Minister of Marine reiterated General Shuvaiev's demand for co-operation between the Government and the Duma. The latter, perhaps, never witnessed such a scene as that which followed the two Ministers'

speeches. There was a great ovation, after which Miliukoff rose and said:

”The War and Marine Ministers have declared themselves on the side of the Duma and the people. We, on our part, have said that the Duma is with the army and the people.”

This sealed the fate of Boris Sturmer. The people had achieved their first victory over the ”dark forces,” and Sturmer, driven out, came one night to us, and, pacing the room, tore his beard and cursed both the Emperor and Empress.

Then, turning upon Rasputin, he cried with a sneer: