Part 55 (2/2)
”But after all,” I said one day, ”the great practical objection still remains unanswered--the clergy? Are we to throw ourselves into their hands after all? Are we, who have been declaiming all our lives against priestcraft, voluntarily to forge again the chains of our slavery to a cla.s.s whom we neither trust nor honour?”
She smiled. ”If you will examine the Prayer-Book, you will not find, as far as I am aware, anything which binds a man to become the slave of the priesthood, voluntarily or otherwise. Whether the people become priest-ridden or not, hereafter, will depend, as it always has done, utterly on themselves. As long as the people act upon their spiritual liberty, and live with eyes undimmed by superst.i.tious fear, fixed in loving boldness on their Father in heaven, and their King, the first-born among many brethren, the priesthood will remain, as G.o.d intended them, only the interpreters and witnesses of His will and His kingdom. But let them turn their eyes from Him to aught in earth or heaven beside, and there will be no lack of priestcraft, of veils to hide Him from them, tyrants to keep them from Him, idols to ape His likeness. A sinful people will be sure to be a priest-ridden people; in reality, though not in name; by journalists and demagogues, if not by cla.s.s-leaders and popes: and of the two, I confess I should prefer a Hildebrand to an O'Flynn.”
”But,” I replied, ”we do not love, we do not trust, we do not respect the clergy. Has their conduct to the ma.s.ses for the last century deserved that we should do so? Will you ask us to obey the men whom we despise?”
”G.o.d forbid!” she answered. ”But you must surely be aware of the miraculous, ever-increasing improvement in the clergy.”
”In morals,” I said, ”and in industry, doubtless; but not upon those points which are to us just now dearer than their morals or their industry, because they involve the very existence of our own industry and our own morals--I mean, social and political subjects. On them the clergy seem to me as ignorant, as bigoted, as aristocratic as ever.”
”But, suppose that there were a rapidly-increasing cla.s.s among the clergy, who were willing to help you to the uttermost--and you must feel that their help would be worth having--towards the attainment of social reform, if you would waive for a time merely political reform?”
”What?” I said, ”give up the very ideas for which we have struggled, and sinned, and all but died? and will struggle, and, if need be, die for still, or confess ourselves traitors to the common weal?”
”The Charter, like its supporters, must die to itself before it lives to G.o.d. Is it not even now farther off than ever?”
”It seems so indeed--but what do you mean?”
”You regarded the Charter as an absolute end. You made a selfish and a self-willed idol of it. And therefore G.o.d's blessing did not rest on it or you.”
”We want it as a means as well as an end--as a means for the highest and widest social reform, as well as a right dependent on eternal justice.”
”Let the working cla.s.ses prove that, then,” she replied, ”in their actions now. If it be true, as I would fain believe it to be, let them show that they are willing to give up their will to G.o.d's will; to compa.s.s those social reforms by the means which G.o.d puts in their way, and wait for His own good time to give them, or not to give them, those means which they in their own minds prefer. This is what I meant by saying that Chartism must die to itself before it has a chance of living to G.o.d. You must feel, too, that Chartism has sinned--has defiled itself in the eyes of the wise, the good, the gentle. Your only way now to soften the prejudice against it is to show that you can live like men and brothers and Christians without it.
You cannot wonder if the clergy shall object awhile to help you towards that Charter, which the majority of you demanded for the express purpose of destroying the creed which the clergy do believe, however badly they may have acted upon it.”
”It is all true enough--bitterly true. But yet, why do we need the help of the clergy?”
”Because you need the help of the whole nation; because there are other cla.s.ses to be considered beside yourselves; because the nation is neither the few nor the many, but the all; because it is only by the co-operation of all the members of a body, that any one member can fulfil its calling in health and freedom; because, as long as you stand aloof from the clergy, or from any other cla.s.s, through pride, self-interest, or wilful ignorance, you are keeping up those very cla.s.s distinctions of which you and I too complain, as 'hateful equally to G.o.d and to his enemies;' and, finally, because the clergy are the cla.s.s which G.o.d has appointed to unite all others; which, in as far as it fulfils its calling, and is indeed a priesthood, is above and below all rank, and knows no man after the flesh, but only on the ground of his spiritual worth, and his birthright in that kingdom which is the heritage of all.”
”Truly,” I answered, ”the idea is a n.o.ble one--But look at the reality! Has not priestly pandering to tyrants made the Church, in every age, a scoff and a byword among free men?”
”May it ever do so,” she replied, ”whenever such a sin exists! But yet, look at the other side of the picture. Did not the priesthood, in the first ages, glory not in the name, but, what is better, in the office, of democrats? Did not the Roman tyrants hunt them down as wild beasts, because they were democrats, proclaiming to the slave and to the barbarian a spiritual freedom and a heavenly citizens.h.i.+p, before which the Roman well knew his power must vanish into naught? Who, during the invasion of the barbarians, protected the poor against their conquerors? Who, in the middle age, stood between the baron and his serfs? Who, in their monasteries, realized spiritual democracy,--the nothingness of rank and wealth, the practical might of co-operation and self-sacrifice? Who delivered England from the Pope? Who spread throughout every cottage in the land the Bible and Protestantism, the book and the religion which declares that a man's soul is free in the sight of G.o.d? Who, at the martyr's stake in Oxford, 'lighted the candle in England that shall never be put out?' Who, by suffering, and not by rebellion, drove the last perjured Stuart from his throne, and united every sect and cla.s.s in one of the n.o.blest steps in England's progress? You will say these are the exceptions; I say nay; they are rather a few great and striking manifestations of an influence which has been, unseen though not unfelt, at work for ages, converting, consecrating, organizing, every fresh invention of mankind, and which is now on the eve of christianizing democracy, as it did Mediaeval Feudalism, Tudor Nationalism, Whig Const.i.tutionalism; and which will succeed in christianizing it, and so alone making it rational, human, possible; because the priesthood alone, of all human inst.i.tutions, testifies of Christ the King of men, the Lord of all things, the inspirer of all discoveries; who reigns, and will reign, till He has put all things under His feet, and the kingdoms of the world have become the kingdoms of G.o.d and of His Christ. Be sure, as it always has been, so will it be now. Without the priesthood there is no freedom for the people. Statesmen know it; and, therefore, those who would keep the people fettered, find it necessary to keep the priesthood fettered also. The people never can be themselves without co-operation with the priesthood; and the priesthood never can be themselves without co-operation with the people. They may help to make a sect-Church for the rich, as they have been doing, or a sect-Church for paupers (which is also the most subtle form of a sect-Church for the rich), as a party in England are trying now to do--as I once gladly would have done myself: but if they would be truly priests of G.o.d, and priests of the Universal Church, they must be priests of the people, priests of the ma.s.ses, priests after the likeness of Him who died on the cross.”
”And are there any men,” I said, ”who believe this? and, what is more, have courage to act upon it, now in the very hour of Mammon's triumph?”
”There are those who are willing, who are determined, whatever it may cost them, to fraternize with those whom they take shame to themselves for having neglected; to preach and to organize, in concert with them, a Holy War against the social abuses which are England's shame; and, first and foremost, against the fiend of compet.i.tion. They do not want to be dictators to the working men. They know that they have a message to the artizan, but they know, too, that the artizan has a message to them; and they are not afraid to hear it. They do not wish to make him a puppet for any system of their own; they only are willing, if he will take the hand they offer him, to devote themselves, body and soul, to the great end of enabling the artizan to govern himself; to produce in the capacity of a free man, and not of a slave; to eat the food he earns, and wear the clothes he makes. Will your working brothers co-operate with these men?
Are they, do you think, such bigots as to let political differences stand between them and those who fain would treat them as their brothers; or will they fight manfully side by side with them in the battle against Mammon, trusting to G.o.d, that if in anything they are otherwise minded, He will, in His own good time, reveal even that unto them? Do you think, to take one instance, the men of your own trade would heartily join a handful of these men in an experiment of a.s.sociate labour, even though there should be a clergyman or two among them?”
”Join them?” I said. ”Can you ask the question? I, for one, would devote myself, body and soul, to any enterprise so n.o.ble. Crossthwaite would ask for nothing higher, than to be a hewer of wood and a drawer of water to an establishment of a.s.sociate workmen. But, alas! his fate is fixed for the New World; and mine, I verily believe, for sickness and the grave. And yet I will answer for it, that, in the hopes of helping such a project, he would give up Mackaye's bequest, for the mere sake of remaining in England; and for me, if I have but a month of life, it is at the service of such men as you describe.”
”Oh!” she said, musingly, ”if poor Mackaye had but had somewhat more faith in the future, that fatal condition would perhaps never have been attached to his bequest. And yet, perhaps, it is better as it is. Crossthwaite's mind may want quite, as much as yours does, a few years of a simpler and brighter atmosphere to soften and refresh it again. Besides, your health is too weak, your life, I know, too valuable to your cla.s.s, for us to trust you on such a voyage alone. He must go with you.”
”With me?” I said. ”You must be misinformed; I have no thought of leaving England.”
”You know the opinion of the physicians?”
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