Part 10 (1/2)

The Union is connected with the Declaration of Independence The Union is an institution: the Declaration of Independence is an assertion of rights, and an exposition of principles When principles are disregarded, institutions do not, for any considerable tiinal value And it would be the folly of other nations, without excuse in us, e to worshi+p blindly any institution, whatever its origin or its history I do not, myself, doubt the value of the American Union It was the necessity of the time when it was formed; it is the necessity of the present moment; it was, indeed, the clainition could be postponed no longer when the colonies crossed the threshold of national existence

The colonies had carried on a correspondence aland settlements formed a confederation in 1643, that was the prototype of the present Union; and the convention at Albany, in 1754, considered in connection with various resolutions and declarations, indicated a growing desire ”to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the coeneral welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty” to the successive generations that should occupy the American continent

For these exalted purposes the Constitution was framed, and the Union established; and the Constitution and the Union will re as these exalted purposes, with any considerable share of fidelity, are secured The Union will not be destroyed by declamation, nor can declamation preserve it Words have power only when they awaken a response in the ed, finally, by its merits; and they are not powerful eneh the press and from the rostrum; but rather they who, clothed with authority, brief or permanent, interpret the constitution so as to defeat the end for which it was framed Nor are they the best friends of the Union who lavishly bestow upon it nicely-wrought enco of rhetoric and the ornament of praise could shi+eld a hument of a free people; but rather they who, under Heaven, and in the presence of uage and in the order of its preamble, ”to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the coeneral welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty” to themselves and their posterity Words are powerless, and enemies--envious, jealous, or deluded--are powerless, when they war upon a systeovernment that secures such exalted results And, if in these later days of our national existence patriotism has been weakened, respect and reverence for the constitution and the Union have been diovernovernment of the constitution

But let no one despair of the Republic Men are now building better than they know; possibly, better than they wish A great government, powerful in its justice, and therefore to be respected and maintained, s, and therefore to be changed and reformed in these respects The declaration ”that all men are created equal” is vital, and will live in the presence of all govern as well as weak, hostile as well as friendly It has no respect for worldly authority, so evidently is it a direct emanation of the Divine Mind, and so does it harhest manifestations of the nature of man But the Declaration of Independence does not, in this particular, assert that all ht, equal in physical strength, intellectual power, orwith these qualities at all, but with the natural political rights and relations of men In its view, all are born free from any political subordination to others on account of the accidents or incidents of family or historic name And hence it follows that no ht in political affairs to control his fellow-man; and hence it follows further, as there is neither subjection anywhere nor authority anywhere, that all overnoverned” And hence it ht of Christianity, and in the presence of the world, that ain, let no one despair of the Republic or of the Union; nor let any, with rash confidence, believe that they are indestructible They are hureat sacrifices, and by the exercise of a high order of worldly wisdoovernulated by law; and theas the end thereof is attained But, should the time ever come when the institutions of the country fail to secure the blessings of liberty to the living generation, and hold out no pros in the future, I know not that these institutions could longer exist, of that they ought longer to exist To be sure, the horizon is not always distinctly seen The sky is not always clear; there are dark spots upon the disk of Liberty, as upon the sun in the heavens; but, like the sun, its presence is for all And, whether there be night, or clouds, or distance, its blessings can never be wholly withdrawn from the human race

It is not to be concealed, however, that the affections of the people have been alienated fro the last seven years, as they were fro the years of our colonial life i-street, in 1770 This solereat lesson It should teach those who are intrusted with the ade of the constitution into the stern realities of public policy, in the light of the Declaration of Independence, and of Liberty; and it should warn those who constitute the governe it, not to allow their opposition to enerate into indifference or hostility to the institutions of the country

A little distrust of ourselves, who see not beyond our own horizon, ment, and discretion to our opposition; for, in the turmoil of politics, and the contests of statesmanshi+p, even, it is not always

”----the sea that sinks and shelves, But ourselves, That rook and rise With endless and uneasyinto the depths of ocean”

And, as thereof evil that can be traced to the governlected that a wise and efficient governuood when compared with others This is a narrow, superficial, unsatisfactory, dangerous view to take of public affairs

We should seek to coovernment, the principles on which it is founded; and, while we justly coht also to coht be established This proposition involves an intelligent realization by the people of the character of their institutions; and I am thus led to express the apprehension that the popular political education of our day is inferior to that of the revolutionary era, and of the age that immediately succeeded it

There is, no doubt, a disposition and a tendency to extol the recent past The recollections of childhood are quite at variance with the real truth, and tradition is often the drea the events of early life As rivers, hills, nified by the visions of childhood, it is not strange that men should be also Hence comes, in part, the popular belief in the superior physical strength and greater longevity of the people who lived fifty or a hundred years ago Each generation is familiar with its predecessor; but of the one next remote it knows only the reat physical excellences reeneration as its exceptions The weak, the diseased, have fallen by the way; and, as there is an intimate connection between physical and intellectual power, the reeneration, whatever its com-eneration as a whole by those who ree of sixty or seventy years; especially if we reflect that public opinion and tradition are most likely to preserve the nauished for physical or erations, I cannot escape the conclusion that we have, as a people, deteriorated in average sound political learning; and I proceed to eneracy, and of the superiority of our ancestors

I _The political condition of the country has been essentially changed_--General personal and fa to the ideas now entertained, was not a feature of American society for one hundred and seventy years from the settlement at Plymouth Life was a continual contest--a contest with the forest, with the climate, with the Indians, and especially was it a continual contest with the hts without infringen his constitutional privileges

Conflicts were frequent, and apprehensions of conflict yet more frequent Hence those who had the conduct of public affairs were colish history, and to the constitutional law of Great Britain Moreover, it was always i public sentiment on the side of liberty; and there were usually in every town ated questions of public policy There was one topic,than any other, that involved the study of the legal history and usage of Great Britain, and a careful consideration of the general principles of liberty; nahts of a British subject Here was a broad field for inquiry, investigation, and study; and it was faithfully cultivated and gleaned There has never been a political topic for public discussion in America more important in itself, or better calculated to educate an Ahts, than the examination of the political relations of the subject to the crown and parliament of Great Britain previous to the Declaration of Independence It was not an abstraction It had a practical value to every man in the colonies, and it was the prominent feature of the masterly exposition made by the Massachusetts House of Representatives, to which I have already referred And we can better estimate the political education which the times furnished, e consider that the revolutionary as e of positions, facts, and arguments, scattered over the history of the colonies But, when our Independence had been established and recognized, constitutions had been fraovernments of the states and nation set in motion, the beauty and harmony of our political system seemed to render continued attention to political principles and the rights of individual ment of iradually given to contests for office which did not always involve the overnht It does not, however, follow, from this admission, that we are indifferent to our political lot,--occasional contests upon principle refute such a conjecture,--but that s which appear to be secure And the differences of political parties of the last fifty years have not been so ard to the institutions by which those rights can be best protected Therefore our political questions have been questions of expediency rather than of principle And, if there is any foundation for the popular impression that public offices are conferred on nity to public eeneracy--less noteworthy than it is usually represented--is to be found in this connection

Governanizations accept the common law of society When an individual or a corporation is prosperous, places of trust and eained and occupied by unworthy men; but, when profits are diminished, or when they disappear entirely; when dividends are passed, when loss and bankruptcy are ie still remain, places of importance are filled by the appointainst official character, to whatever extent true, is better evidence of confidence and prosperity than it is of the degeneracy of the people; and a public exigency, serious and long-continued, would call to posts of responsibility the highest talent and integrity which the country could produce But it is, nevertheless, to be admitted as a necessary consequence of the facts already stated, and the views presented, that the average aed in public e the revolutionary era It is, however, also to be observed, that, when such learning seems to be specially required, the people de constitutions, even in the new states, has, in its execution, commanded the approval of political writers in this country and in Europe And it must, also, be admitted that peace and prosperity render sound political learning and great experience less necessary, and at the saible to office Candidates are put in nohbors, honorable citizens, couides; or, possibly, because they have been successful in business, are of the military or of the fire department, or because they are leaders and benefactors of special classes of society In ordinary times these facts are all worthy of consideration and real deference; but when, as in the Revolution, every place of public service is a post of responsibility, or sacrifice, or danger, candidates and electors will notsuch circumstances, the canvass will have special reference to the work to be done For civil e and experience are required; and for e It may be said that our whole colonial life was a preparatory school for the revolutionary contest; and, therefore, the major part of the enterprise, aiven to the training, studies, and pursuits, calculated to fit le But now that other avenues are inviting in themselves, and promise political prefer e of the world, are not well grounded in political history and constitutional laithout which there can be no thorough and comprehensive statesmanshi+p

And, as I pass from this branch of my subject, I may properly say that I do not seek to limit the number of candidates for public office; for every office is a school, and the public itself is a great and wise teacher Nor do I ask any to abandon the elect the claims of business and of social life; but I seek to i soe of which I have spoken is valuable in the ordinary course of public business, and absolutely essential in the exigences of political and national life And it is with an eye single to the happiness of individuals, and the welfare of the public, that I invitefro from amusement, where a fro, which often is neither true, nor reasonable, nor useful; or so from indolence and dissipation; and, in the e for the circuences of citizenshi+p and public office

II _The claims of business and society are unfavorable to political learning_--I assume it to be true of Massachusetts that the proportion of freehold far, and that the a

From the settlement of the country to the coreat deal of privation, hardshi+p, and positive suffering; but the clai

The necessary articles of food and clothing were chiefly supplied froreat accuht rather to place their political and religious privileges upon a sure foundation Agriculture was in a rude state, and consequently did not furnish steady eed in it

It is only when there are valuable e profits, that the far winters in his profession These circumstances did not exist until the present century; and we have thus in this discussion found both theour ancestors

It is also possible that the increased activity of business and business hts that are essential to political learning Co competition; and manufacturers are not free from the influence of markets, and the necessity of variety, taste, and skill, in the er share of the physical and iven to business, his hours of leisure must be hours of relaxation; and to most minds the study of history and of kindred topics is by no means equivalent to recreation Moreover, society presents nuarded

Fashi+onable life puts questions that but few people have the courage to answer in the negative Have you read the last novel? the new play? the reviews of the quarter? the e? These questions have puzzled , that they norance in the presence of those who valuable is expensive, and learning can be secured only by severe self-sacrifice With our ancestors, after religious culture, historical and political reading was next ieneration who seek such learning are compelled to make their ithout deference to the daily customs of society There is no fashi+onable or tolerated society that invites young land prior to the tiins Nor does public sentiment recommend De Lols of Jefferson, Madison, Marshall, Story, and Webster, upon the constitution of the United States, and the practice of the government under it Not but that these topics are considered in the higher institutions of learning; but I address es of our coh instruction in national and general political history cannot be given

This kind of learning must be self-acquired, and acquired by some te man, this sacrifice is contemplated and offered, the more acceptable and useful it will be And the acquisition of this kind of learning does not, in a majority of cases, admit of delay It should be the work of youth and earlythat we find it difficult to abstract ourselves and our thoughts froe of twenty-five, the attention may be concentrated upon special subjects, and their elements mastered

By the Athenian law, e of sixteen years; and Demosthenes, at that period of his life, commenced a course of self-education by which he became the first orator of Athens, and the admiration of the after-world The father of Deh defrauded by his guardians, was, as his father had been, enrolled in the wealthiest class of citizens; yet he did not hesitate to subject himself to the severest reat life he was to lead