Volume III Part 6 (1/2)
In this hopeless state of things, the First Part of the Rights of Man made its appearance. It had to combat with a strange mixture of prejudice and indifference; it stood exposed to every species of newspaper abuse; and besides this, it had to remove the obstructions which Mr. Burke's rude and outrageous attack on the French Revolution had artfully raised.
1 The Royal Proclamation issued against seditious writings, May 21st. This pamphlet, the proof of which was read in Paris (see P. S. of preceding chapter), was published at 1s.
6d. by H. D. Symonds, Paternoster Row, and Thomas Clio Rickman, 7 Upper Marylebone Street (where it was written), both pub-Ushers being soon after prosecuted.--_Editor_.
But how easy does even the most illiterate reader distinguish the spontaneous sensations of the heart, from the laboured productions of the brain. Truth, whenever it can fully appear, is a thing so naturally familiar to the mind, that an acquaintance commences at first sight.
No artificial light, yet discovered, can display all the properties of daylight; so neither can the best invented fiction fill the mind with every conviction which truth begets.
To overthrow Mr. Burke's fallacious book was scarcely the operation of a day. Even the phalanx of Placemen and Pensioners, who had given the tone to the mult.i.tude, by clamouring forth his political fame, became suddenly silent; and the final event to himself has been, that as he rose like a rocket, he fell like the stick.
It seldom happens, that the mind rests satisfied with the simple detection of error or imposition. Once put in motion, _that_ motion soon becomes accelerated; where it had intended to stop, it discovers new reasons to proceed, and renews and continues the pursuit far beyond the limits it first prescribed to itself. Thus it has happened to the people of England. From a detection of Mr. Burke's incoherent rhapsodies, and distorted facts, they began an enquiry into the first principles of Government, whilst himself, like an object left far behind, became invisible and forgotten.
Much as the First Part of RIGHTS OF Man impressed at its first appearance, the progressive mind soon discovered that it did not go far enough. It detected errors; it exposed absurdities; it shook the fabric of political superst.i.tion; it generated new ideas; but it did not produce a regular system of principles in the room of those which it displaced. And, if I may guess at the mind of the Government-party, they beheld it as an unexpected gale that would soon blow over, and they forbore, like sailors in threatening weather, to whistle, lest they should encrease(sic) the wind. Every thing, on their part, was profound silence.
When the Second Part of _Rights of Man, combining Principle and Practice_, was preparing to appear, they affected, for a while, to act with the same policy as before; but finding their silence had no more influence in stifling the progress of the work, than it would have in stopping the progress of time, they changed their plan, and affected to treat it with clamorous contempt. The Speech-making Placemen and Pensioners, and Place-expectants, in both Houses of Parliament, the _Outs_ as well as the _Ins_, represented it as a silly, insignificant performance; as a work incapable of producing any effect; as something which they were sure the good sense of the people would either despise or indignantly spurn; but such was the overstrained awkwardness with which they harangued and encouraged each other, that in the very act of declaring their confidence they betrayed their fears.
As most of the rotten Borough Addressers are obscured in holes and corners throughout the country, and to whom a newspaper arrives as rarely as an almanac, they most probably have not had the opportunity of knowing how far this part of the farce (the original prelude to all the Addresses) has been acted. For _their_ information, I will suspend a while the more serious purpose of my Letter, and entertain them with two or three Speeches in the last Session of Parliament, which will serve them for politics till Parliament meets again.
You must know, Gentlemen, that the Second Part of the Rights of Man (the book against which you have been presenting Addresses, though it is most probable that many of you did not know it) was to have come out precisely at the time that Parliament last met. It happened not to be published till a few days after. But as it was very well known that the book would shortly appear, the parliamentary Orators entered into a very cordial coalition to cry the book down, and they began their attack by crying up the _blessings_ of the Const.i.tution.
Had it been your fate to have been there, you could not but have been moved at the heart-and-pocket-felt congratulations that pa.s.sed between all the parties on this subject of _blessings_; for the _Outs_ enjoy places and pensions and sinecures as well as the _Ins_, and are as devoutly attached to the firm of the house.
One of the most conspicuous of this motley groupe, is the Clerk of the Court of King's Bench, who calls himself Lord Stormont. He is also called Justice General of Scotland, and Keeper of Sc.o.o.n, (an opposition man,) and he draws from the public for these nominal offices, not less, as I am informed, than six thousand pounds a-year, and he is, most probably, at the trouble of counting the money, and signing a receipt, to shew, perhaps, that he is qualified to be Clerk as well as Justice.
He spoke as follows.(*)
”That we shall all be unanimous in expressing our attachment to the const.i.tution of these realms, I am confident. It is a subject upon which there can be no divided opinion in this house. I do not pretend to be deep read in the knowledge of the Const.i.tution, but I take upon me to say, that from the extent of my knowledge [_for I have so many thousands a year for nothing_] it appears to me, that from the period of the Revolution, for it was by no means created then, it has been, both in theory and practice, the wisest system that ever was formed. I never was [he means he never was till now] a dealer in political cant. My life has not been occupied in that way, but the speculations of late years seem to have taken a turn, for which I cannot account. When I came into public life, the political pamphlets of the time, however they might be charged with the heat and violence of parties, were agreed in extolling the radical beauties of the Const.i.tution itself. I remember [_he means he has forgotten_] a most captivating eulogium on its charms, by Lord Bolingbroke, where he recommends his readers to contemplate it in all its aspects, with the a.s.surance that it would be found more estimable the more it was seen, I do not recollect his precise words, but I wish that men who write upon these subjects would take this for their model, instead of the political pamphlets, which, I am told, are now in circulation, [_such, I suppose, as Rights of Man,_] pamphlets which I have not read, and whose purport I know only by report, [_he means, perhaps, by the noise they make_.] This, however, I am sure, that pamphlets tending to unsettle the public reverence for the const.i.tution, will have very little influence. They can do very little harm--for [_by the bye, he is no dealer in political cant_] the English are a sober-thinking people, and are more intelligent, more solid, more steady in their opinions, than any people I ever had the fortune to see. [_This is pretty well laid on, though, for a new beginner_.] But if there should ever come a time when the propagation of those doctrines should agitate the public mind, I am sure for every one of your Lords.h.i.+ps, that no attack will be made on the const.i.tution, from which it is truly said that we derive all our prosperity, without raising every one of your Lords.h.i.+ps to its support It will then be found that there is no difference among us, but that we are all determined to stand or fall together, in defence of the inestimable system ”--[_of places and pensions_].
* See his speech in the Morning Chronicle of Feb. 1.-- Author.
After Stormont, on the opposition side, sat down, up rose another n.o.ble Lord, on the ministerial side, Grenville. This man ought to be as strong in the back as a mule, or the sire of a mule, or it would crack with the weight of places and offices. He rose, however, without feeling any inc.u.mbrance, full master of his weight; and thus said this n.o.ble Lord to t'other n.o.ble Lord!
”The patriotic and manly manner in which the n.o.ble Lord has declared his sentiments on the subject of the const.i.tution, demands my cordial approbation. The n.o.ble Viscount has proved, that however we may differ on particular measures, amidst all the jars and dissonance of parties, we are unanimous in principle. There is a perfect and entire consent [_between us_] in the love and maintenance of the const.i.tution as happily subsisting. It must undoubtedly give your Lords.h.i.+ps concern, to find that the time is come [heigh ho!] when there is propriety in the expressions of regard to [o! o! o!] the const.i.tution. And that there are men [confound--their--po-li-tics] who disseminate doctrines hostile to the genuine spirit of our well balanced system, [_it is certainly well balanced when both sides hold places and pensions at once._] I agree with the n.o.ble viscount that they have not [I hope] much success. I am convinced that there is no danger to be apprehended from their attempts: but it is truly important and consolatory [to us placemen, I suppose] to know, that if ever there should arise a serious alarm, there is but one spirit, one sense, [_and that sense I presume is not common sense_]
and one determination in this house ”--which undoubtedly is to hold all their places and pensions as long as they can.
Both those speeches (except the parts enclosed in parenthesis, which are added for the purpose of ill.u.s.tration) are copied verbatim from the Morning Chronicle of the 1st of February last; and when the situation of the speakers is considered, the one in the opposition, and the other in the ministry, and both of them living at the public expence, by sinecure, or nominal places and offices, it required a very unblus.h.i.+ng front to be able to deliver them. Can those men seriously suppose any nation to be so completely blind as not to see through them? Can Stormont imagine that the political _cant_, with which he has larded his harangue, will conceal the craft? Does he not know that there never was a cover large enough to hide _itself_? Or can Grenvilie believe that his credit with the public encreases with his avarice for places?
But, if these orators will accept a service from me, in return for the allusions they have made to the _Rights of Man_, I will make a speech for either of them to deliver, on the excellence of the const.i.tution, that shall be as much to the purpose as what they have spoken, or as _Bolingbroke's captivating eulogium_. Here it is.
”That we shall all be unanimous in expressing our attachment to the const.i.tution, I am confident. It is, my Lords, incomprehensibly good: but the great wonder of all is the wisdom; for it is, my lords, _the wisest system that ever was formed_.
”With respect to us, n.o.ble Lords, though the world does not know it, it is very well known to us, that we have more wisdom than we know what to do with; and what is still better, my Lords, we have it all in stock. I defy your Lords.h.i.+ps to prove, that a t.i.ttle of it has been used yet; and if we but go on, my Lords, with the frugality we have hitherto done, we shall leave to our heirs and successors, when we go out of the world, the whole stock of wisdom, _untouched_, that we brought in; and there is no doubt but they will follow our example. This, my lords, is one of the blessed effects of the hereditary system; for we can never be without wisdom so long as we keep it by us, and do not use it.
”But, my Lords, as all this wisdom is hereditary property, for the sole benefit of us and our heirs, and it is necessary that the people should know where to get a supply for their own use, the excellence of our const.i.tution has provided us a King for this very purpose, and for _no other_. But, my Lords, I perceive a defect to which the const.i.tution is subject, and which I propose to remedy by bringing a bill into Parliament for that purpose.
”The const.i.tution, my Lords, out of delicacy, I presume, has left it as a matter of _choice_ to a King whether he will be wise or not. It has not, I mean, my Lords, insisted upon it as a const.i.tutional point, which, I conceive it ought to have done; for I pledge myself to your Lords.h.i.+ps to prove, and that with _true patriotic boldness_, that he has _no choice in the matter_. This bill, my Lords, which I shall bring in, will be to declare, that the const.i.tution, according to the true intent and meaning thereof, does not invest the King with this choice; our ancestors were too wise to do that; and, in order to prevent any doubts that might otherwise arise, I shall prepare, my Lords, an enacting clause, to fix the wisdom of Kings by act of Parliament; and then, my Lords our Const.i.tution will be the wonder of the world!
”Wisdom, my lords, is the one thing needful: but that there may be no mistake in this matter, and that we may proceed consistently with the true wisdom of the const.i.tution, I shall propose a _certain criterion_ whereby the _exact quant.i.ty of wisdom_ necessary for a King may be known. [Here should be a cry of, Hear him! Hear him!]
”It is recorded, my Lords, in the Statutes at Large of the Jews, 'a book, my Lords, which I have not read, and whose purport I know only by report,' _but perhaps the bench of Bishops can recollect something about it_, that Saul gave the most convincing proofs of royal wisdom before he was made a King, _for he was sent to seek his father's a.s.ses and he could not find them_.