Volume 3, Part 1, Slice 1 Part 28 (1/2)

BIBLIOGRAPHY.--Morris Jastrow, jun., _Religion Babyloniens und a.s.syriens_ (Giessen, 1904), enlarged and re-written form of the author's smaller _Religion of Babylonia and a.s.syria_ (Boston, 1898); A. H. Sayce, _The Religion of the Ancient Babylonians_ (Hibbert Lectures, London, 1887), now superseded by the same author's _Religions of Ancient Egypt and Babylonia_ (Gifford Lectures, Edinburgh, 1902); Friedrich Jeremias, _Die Babylonier und a.s.syrer_, in de la Saussaye's _Lehrbuch der Religionsgeschichte_ (3rd ed., Tubingen, 1905), vol. i.; L. W. King, _Babylonian Religion and Mythology_ (London, 1899); T. G. Pinches, _Religion of Babylonia and a.s.syria_ (London, 1906). Of special texts and monographs bearing on the religion may be mentioned various volumes in the new series of cuneiform texts from Babylonian tablets, &c., in the British Museum (London, 1901- ), especially parts v., xii., xv., xvii., xviii., xx. and xxi. and vol. iv. of the earlier series of _Selections from the Miscellaneous Inscriptions of Western Asia_, ed. by H. C. Rawlinson (2nd ed., London, 1891); H. Zimmern, _Beitrage zur Kenntniss der babylonischen Religion_ (Leipzig, 1901); J. A.

Craig, _a.s.syrian and Babylonian Religious Texts_ (Leipzig, 1895-1897); L. W. King, _The Seven Tablets of Creation_ (London, 1902); R. C. Thompson, _The Reports of the Magicians and Astrologers of Nineveh and Babylon_ (London, 1900); A. Boissier, _Doc.u.ments a.s.syriens relatifs aux presages_ (Paris, 1894-1897); and his _Choix de textes relatifs a la divination a.s.syro-babylonienne_ (Geneva, 1905-1906); Ch. Fossey, _La Magie a.s.syrienne_ (Paris, 1902); G. A. Reisner, _Sumerisch-babylonische Hymnen_ (Berlin, 1896); L. W. King, _Babylonian Magic and Sorcery_ (London, 1896); R. C.

Thompson, _Devils and Evil Spirits of Babylonia_ (London, 1903-1904); K. L.

Tallqvist, _Die a.s.syrische Beschworungsserie Maql[=u]_ (Leipzig, 1895); J. A. Knudtzon, _a.s.syrische Gebete an den Sonnengott_ (Leipzig, 1893); Virolleaud, _L'Astrologie chaldeenne_ (Paris, 1906- ); Craig, _Astrological-Astronomical Texts_ (Leipzig, 1892); Martin, _Textes religieux a.s.syriens et babyloniens_ (Paris, 1900 and 1903); Paul Haupt, _Das babylonische Nimrodepos_ (Leipzig, 1891); Friedrich Delitzsch, _Das babylonische Weltschopfungsepos_ (Leipzig, 1896); P. Jensen, ”a.s.syrisch-babylonische Mythen und Epen,” in Schrader's _Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek_, vol. vi. part 1 (Berlin, 1900); also his _Das Nationalepos der Babylonier_, &c. (Stra.s.sburg, 1906); H. Zimmern in vol. ii. of 3rd ed. of Schrader's _Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament_ (Berlin, 1903); Alfred Jeremias, _Die babylonisch-a.s.syrischen Vorstellungen von Leben nach dem Tode_ (Leipzig, 1887); and his _Das Alte Testament im Lichte des Alten Orients_ (2nd ed., Leipzig, 1906-1907); and _Babylonisches im Neuen Testament_ (Leipzig, 1905). On the religious literature of Babylonia and a.s.syria, see also chapters xv. to xxiv. in Jastrow's work (German and English edition), Carl Bezold's _Ninive and Babylon_ (Bielefeld, 1905), chapters vi. to xii., and the same author's monumental catalogue of the cuneiform tablets in the Kuyunjik collection of the British Museum (5 vols., London, 1889-1899).

(M. JA.)

BABYLONIAN CAPTIVITY, the name generally given to the deportation of the Jews to Babylon by Nebuchadrezzar. Three separate occasions are mentioned (Jer. lii. 28-30). The first was in the time of Jehoiachin in 597 B.C., when the temple of Jerusalem was partially despoiled and a number of the leading citizens removed. After eleven years (in the reign of Zedekiah) a fresh rising of the Judaeans occurred; the city was razed to the ground, and a further deportation ensued. Finally, five years later, Jeremiah (_loc. cit._) records a third captivity. After the overthrow of Babylonia by the Persians, Cyrus gave the Jews permission to return to their native land (537 B.C.), and more then forty thousand are said to have availed themselves of the privilege. (See JEHOIAKIM; JEHOIACHIN; ZEDEKIAH; EZRA-NEHEMIAH and JEWS: _History_.)

BABYLONIAN LAW. The material for the study of Babylonian law is singularly extensive without being exhaustive. The so-called ”contracts,” including a great variety of deeds, conveyances, bonds, receipts, accounts and, most important of all, the actual legal decisions given by the judges in the law courts, exist in thousands. Historical inscriptions, royal charters and rescripts, despatches, private letters and the general literature afford welcome supplementary information. Even grammatical and lexicographical works, intended solely to facilitate the study of ancient literature, contain many extracts or short sentences bearing on law and custom. The so-called ”Sumerian Family Laws” are thus preserved. The discovery of the now celebrated Code of Khammurabi (Hammurabi)[1] (hereinafter simply termed [v.03 p.0116] ”the Code”) has, however, made a more systematic study possible than could have resulted from the cla.s.sification and interpretation of the other material. Some fragments of a later code exist and have been published; but there still remain many points upon which we have no evidence.

This material dates from the earliest times down to the commencement of our era. The evidence upon a particular point may be very full at one period and almost entirely lacking at another. The Code forms the backbone of the skeleton sketch which is here reconstructed. The fragments of it which have been recovered from a.s.sur-bani-pal's library at Nineveh and later Babylonian copies show that it was studied, divided into chapters ent.i.tled _Ninu ilu [s.]irum_ from its opening words, and recopied for fifteen hundred years or more. The greater part of it remained in force, even through the Persian, Greek and Parthian conquests, which affected private life in Babylonia very little, and it survived to influence Syro-Roman and later Mahommedan law in Mesopotamia. The law and custom which preceded the Code we shall call ”early,” that of the New Babylonian empire (as well as the Persian, Greek, &c.) ”late.” The law in a.s.syria was derived from Babylonia but conserved early features long after they had disappeared elsewhere.

When the Semitic tribes settled in the cities of Babylonia, their tribal custom pa.s.sed over into city law. The early history of the country is the story of a struggle for supremacy between the cities. A metropolis demanded tribute and military support from its subject cities but left their local cults and customs unaffected. The city rights and usages were respected by kings and conquerors alike.

As late as the accession of a.s.sur-bani-pal and Samas-sum-yukin we find the Babylonians appealing to their city laws that groups of aliens to the number of twenty at a time were free to enter the city, that foreign women once married to Babylonian husbands could not be enslaved and that not even a dog that entered the city could be put to death untried.

The population of Babylonia was of many races from early times and intercommunication between the cities was incessant. Every city had a large number of resident aliens. This freedom of intercourse must have tended to a.s.similate custom. It was, however, reserved for the genius of Khammurabi to make Babylon his metropolis and weld together his vast empire by a uniform system of law.

[Sidenote: Code of Khammurabi.]

Almost all trace of tribal custom has already disappeared from the law of the Code. It is state-law; alike self-help, blood-feud, marriage by capture, are absent; though family solidarity, district responsibility, ordeal, the _lex talionis_, are primitive features that remain. The king is a benevolent autocrat, easily accessible to all his subjects, both able and willing to protect the weak against the highest-placed oppressor. The royal power, however, can only pardon when private resentment is appeased. The judges are strictly supervised and appeal is allowed. The whole land is covered with feudal holdings, masters of the levy, police, &c. There is a regular postal system. The _pax Babylonica_ is so a.s.sured that private individuals do not hesitate to ride in their carriage from Babylon to the coast of the Mediterranean. The position of women is free and dignified.

The Code did not merely embody contemporary custom or conserve ancient law.

It is true that centuries of law-abiding and litigious habitude had acc.u.mulated in the temple archives of each city vast stores of precedent in ancient deeds and the records of judicial decisions, and that intercourse had a.s.similated city custom. The universal habit of writing and perpetual recourse to written contract even more modified primitive custom and ancient precedent. Provided the parties could agree, the Code left them free to contract as a rule. Their deed of agreement was drawn up in the temple by a notary public, and confirmed by an oath ”by G.o.d and the king.”

It was publicly sealed and witnessed by professional witnesses, as well as by collaterally interested parties. The manner in which it was thus executed may have been sufficient security that its stipulations were not impious or illegal. Custom or public opinion doubtless secured that the parties would not agree to wrong. In case of dispute the judges dealt first with the contract. They might not sustain it, but if the parties did not dispute it, they were free to observe it. The judges' decision might, however, be appealed against. Many contracts contain the proviso that in case of future dispute the parties would abide by ”the decision of the king.” The Code made known, in a vast number of cases, what that decision would be, and many cases of appeal to the king were sent back to the judges with orders to decide in accordance with it. The Code itself was carefully and logically arranged and the order of its sections was conditioned by their subject-matter. Nevertheless the order is not that of modern scientific treatises, and a somewhat different order from both is most convenient for our purpose.

The Code contemplates the whole population as falling into three cla.s.ses, the _amelu_, the _muskinu_ and the _ardu_. The _amelu_ was a patrician, the man of family, whose birth, marriage and death were registered, of ancestral estates and full civil rights. He had aristocratic privileges and responsibilities, the right to exact retaliation for corporal injuries, and liability to heavier punishment for crimes and misdemeanours, higher fees and fines to pay. To this cla.s.s belonged the king and court, the higher officials, the professions and craftsmen. The term became in time a mere courtesy t.i.tle but originally carried with it standing. Already in the Code, when status is not concerned, it is used to denote ”any one.” There was no property qualification nor does the term appear to be racial. It is most difficult to characterize the _muskinu_ exactly. The term came in time to mean ”a beggar” and with that meaning has pa.s.sed through Aramaic and Hebrew into many modern languages; but though the Code does not regard him as necessarily poor, he may have been landless. He was free, but had to accept monetary compensation for corporal injuries, paid smaller fees and fines, even paid less offerings to the G.o.ds. He inhabited a separate quarter of the city. There is no reason to regard him as specially connected with the court, as a royal pensioner, nor as forming the bulk of the population. The rarity of any reference to him in contemporary doc.u.ments makes further specification conjectural. The _ardu_ was a slave, his master's chattel, and formed a very numerous cla.s.s. He could acquire property and even hold other slaves. His master clothed and fed him, paid his doctor's fees, but took all compensation paid for injury done to him.

His master usually found him a slave-girl as wife (the children were then born slaves), often set him up in a house (with farm or business) and simply took an annual rent of him. Otherwise he might marry a freewoman (the children were then free), who might bring him a dower which his master could not touch, and at his death one-half of his property pa.s.sed to his master as his heir. He could acquire his freedom by purchase from his master, or might be freed and dedicated to a temple, or even adopted, when he became an _amelu_ and not a _muskinu_. Slaves were recruited by purchase abroad, from captives taken in war and by freemen degraded for debt or crime. A slave often ran away; if caught, the captor was bound to restore him to his master, and the Code fixes a reward of two shekels which the owner must pay the captor. It was about one-tenth of the average value. To detain, harbour, &c., a slave was punished by death. So was an attempt to get him to leave the city. A slave bore an identification mark, which could only be removed by a surgical operation and which later consisted of his owner's name tattoed or branded on the arm. On the great estates in a.s.syria and its subject provinces were many serfs, mostly of subject race, settled captives, or quondam slaves, tied to the soil they cultivated and sold with the estate but capable of possessing land and property of their own. There is little trace of serfs in Babylonia, unless the _muskinu_ be really a serf.

The G.o.d of a city was originally owner of its land, which encircled it with an inner ring of irrigable arable land and an outer fringe of pasture, and the citizens were his tenants. The G.o.d and his viceregent, the king, had long ceased to disturb tenancy, and were content with fixed dues in _naturalia_, stock, [v.03 p.0117] money or service. One of the earliest monuments records the purchase by a king of a large estate for his son, paying a fair market price and adding a handsome honorarium to the many owners in costly garments, plate, and precious articles of furniture. The Code recognizes complete private owners.h.i.+p in land, but apparently extends the right to hold land to votaries, merchants (and resident aliens?). But all land was sold subject to its fixed charges. The king, however, could free land from these charges by charter, which was a frequent way of rewarding those who deserved well of the state. It is from these charters that we learn nearly all we know of the obligations that lay upon land. The state demanded men for the army and the corvee as well as dues in kind. A definite area was bound to find a bowman together with his linked pikeman (who bore the s.h.i.+eld for both) and to furnish them with supplies for the campaign. This area was termed ”a bow” as early as the 8th century B.C., but the usage was much earlier. Later, a horseman was due from certain areas. A man was only bound to serve so many (six?) times, but the land had to find a man annually. The service was usually discharged by slaves and serfs, but the _amelu_ (and perhaps the _muskinu_) went to war. The ”bows”

were grouped in tens and hundreds. The corvee was less regular. The letters of Khammurabi often deal with claims to exemption. Religious officials and shepherds in charge of flocks were exempt. Special liabilities lay upon riparian owners to repair ca.n.a.ls, bridges, quays, &c. The state claimed certain proportions of all crops, stock, &c. The king's messengers could commandeer any subject's property, giving a receipt. Further, every city had its own octroi duties, customs, ferry dues, highway and water rates.

The king had long ceased to be, if he ever was, owner of the land. He had his own royal estates, his private property and dues from all his subjects.

The higher officials had endowments and official residences. The Code regulates the feudal position of certain cla.s.ses. They held an estate from the king consisting of house, garden, field, stock and a salary, on condition of personal service on the king's errand. They could not delegate the service on pain of death. When ordered abroad they could nominate a son, if capable, to hold the benefice and carry on the duty. If there was no son capable, the state put in a _loc.u.m tenens_, but granted one-third to the wife to maintain herself and children. The benefice was inalienable, could not be sold, pledged, exchanged, sublet, devised or diminished. Other land was held of the state for rent. Ancestral estate was strictly tied to the family. If a holder would sell, the family had the right of redemption and there seems to have been no time-limit to its exercise.

The temple occupied a most important position. It received from its estates, from t.i.thes and other fixed dues, as well as from the sacrifices (a customary share) and other offerings of the faithful, vast amounts of all sorts of _naturalia_; besides money and permanent gifts. The larger temples had many officials and servants. Originally, perhaps, each town cl.u.s.tered round one temple, and each head of a family had a right to minister there and share its receipts. As the city grew, the right to so many days a year at one or other shrine (or its ”gate”) descended in certain families and became a species of property which could be pledged, rented or shared within the family, but not alienated. In spite of all these demands, however, the temples became great granaries and store-houses; as they also were the city archives. The temple had its responsibilities. If a citizen was captured by the enemy and could not ransom himself the temple of his city must do so. To the temple came the poor farmer to borrow seed corn or supplies for harvesters, &c.--advances which he repaid without interest. The king's power over the temple was not proprietary but administrative. He might borrow from it but repaid like other borrowers. The t.i.the seems to have been the composition for the rent due to the G.o.d for his land. It is not clear that all lands paid t.i.the, perhaps only such as once had a special connexion with the temple.

The Code deals with a cla.s.s of persons devoted to the service of a G.o.d, as vestals or hierodules. The vestals were vowed to chast.i.ty, lived together in a great nunnery, were forbidden to open or enter a tavern, and together with other votaries had many privileges.

The Code recognizes many ways of disposing of property--sale, lease, barter, gift, dedication, deposit, loan, pledge, all of which were matters of contract. Sale was the delivery of the purchase (in the case of real estate symbolized by a staff, a key, or deed of conveyance) in return for the purchase money, receipts being given for both. Credit, if given, was treated as a debt, and secured as a loan by the seller to be repaid by the buyer, for which he gave a bond. The Code admits no claim unsubstantiated by doc.u.ments or the oath of witnesses. A buyer had to convince himself of the seller's t.i.tle. If he bought (or received on deposit) from a minor or a slave without power of attorney, he would be executed as a thief. If the goods were stolen and the rightful owner reclaimed them, he had to prove his purchase by producing the seller and the deed of sale or witnesses to it. Otherwise he would be adjudged a thief and die. If he proved his purchase, he had to give up the property but had his remedy against the seller or, if he had died, could reclaim five-fold from his estate. A man who bought a slave abroad, might find that he had been stolen or captured from Babylonia, and he had to restore him to his former owner without profit. If he bought property belonging to a feudal holding, or to a ward in chancery, he had to return it and forfeit what he gave for it as well.

He could repudiate the purchase of a slave attacked by the _bennu_ sickness within the month (later, a hundred days), and had a female slave three days on approval. A defect of t.i.tle or undisclosed liability would invalidate the sale at any time.

Landowners frequently cultivated their land themselves but might employ a husbandman or let it. The husbandman was bound to carry out the proper cultivation, raise an average crop and leave the field in good tilth. In case the crop failed the Code fixed a statutory return. Land might be let at a fixed rent when the Code enacted that accidental loss fell on the tenant. If let on share-profit, the landlord and tenant shared the loss proportionately to their stipulated share of profit. If the tenant paid his rent and left the land in good tilth, the landlord could not interfere nor forbid subletting. Waste land was let to reclaim, the tenant being rent free for three years and paying a stipulated rent in the fourth year. If the tenant neglected to reclaim the land the Code enacted that he must hand it over in good faith and fixed a statutory rent. Gardens or plantations were let in the same ways and under the same conditions; but for date-groves four years' free tenure was allowed. The metayer system was in vogue, especially on temple lands. The landlord found land, labour, oxen for ploughing and working the watering-machines, carting, thres.h.i.+ng or other implements, seed corn, rations for the workmen and fodder for the cattle. The tenant, or steward, usually had other land of his own. If he stole the seed, rations or fodder, the Code enacted that his fingers should be cut off. If he appropriated or sold the implements, impoverished or sublet the cattle, he was heavily fined and in default of payment might be condemned to be torn to pieces by the cattle on the field. Rent was as contracted.

Irrigation was indispensable. If the irrigator neglected to repair his d.y.k.e, or left his runnel open and caused a flood, he had to make good the damage done to his neighbours' crops, or be sold with his family to pay the cost. The theft of a watering-machine, water-bucket or other agricultural implement was heavily fined.

Houses were let usually for the year, but also for longer terms, rent being paid in advance, half-yearly. The contract generally specified that the house was in good repair, and the tenant was bound to keep it so. The woodwork, including doors and door frames, was removable, and the tenant might bring and take away his own. The Code enacted that if the landlord would re-enter before the term was up, he must remit a fair proportion of the rent. Land was leased for houses or other buildings to be built upon it, the tenant being rent-free for eight or ten years; after which the building came into the landlord's possession.

Despite the mult.i.tude of slaves, hired labour was often needed, especially at harvest. This was matter of contract, and the hirer, [v.03 p.0118] who usually paid in advance, might demand a guarantee to fulfil the engagement.