Volume Ix Part 13 (1/2)

--1. _Incidents at Saldanha, Socotora, and Swally; with an Account of Disagreements between the Moguls and Portuguese, and between the Nabob and the English._

We sailed from England on the 1st March, 1614, and arrived in the road of Saldanha, or Table Bay, on Wednesday the 15th June, being saluted on our arrival by a great storm. While every person was busy in mooring the s.h.i.+p, John Barter, who had lost his reason in consequence of a long fever, was suddenly missing, and was supposed to have made away with himself. The 16th we erected our tents, and placed a guard for their defence. We landed half our casks on the 17th, to be overhauled and seasoned; and this day _Ch.o.r.ee_, the Saldanian or Hottentot, presented me a young steer. The 18th we landed more of our beer casks, to be washed, repaired, and seasoned. This day, _Ch.o.r.ee_ departed into the interior, carrying with him his copper armour, javelins, and all things belonging to him, promising to be back the third day after, but he never returned.

The 29th I sent George Downton ash.o.r.e, to take observations of the lat.i.tude and variation, in consideration of the great difference in the variations, as observed in this and my former voyage in the Pepper-corn.

We made the lat.i.tude exactly 34 S. and the variation 1 45' W. by an azimuth, whereas most of the former variations at this place were easterly. We this night took down our tents, and brought every thing on board, making our s.h.i.+ps ready to depart next day, which we did accordingly.

We came to anchor in the bay of St Augustine in Madagascar on the 6th August, when the inhabitants abandoned the place, so that we could have no intercourse with them, but we afterwards got some refreshments from them. We here cut down some straight timber for various uses. We set sail on the 12th August, and anch.o.r.ed in Delisa bay in Socotora on the 9th September. Next day we went ash.o.r.e to wait upon the king, who was ready with his attendants to receive me, and gave me an account of the existing war in India, where the Mogul and the kings of the Deccan had united to drive the Portuguese from the country, owing to their having captured a s.h.i.+p coming from Juddah in the Red Sea, in which were three millions of treasure. He also informed me of two great fights which Captain Best had with the Portuguese, and of other news in these parts.

I here procured such refreshments as the place could furnish, and bought 2722 pounds of aloes from the king.

Leaving Delisa on the 14th September, we got sight of the Deccan coast near Dabul on the 2d October, where we found great hindrance to our navigation, till we learnt by experience to anchor during the ebb tide, and continue our course with the tide of flood. Continuing this procedure, we anch.o.r.ed in the evening of the 14th, two and a half miles short of the bar of Surat; when presently a fleet of fourteen frigates or barks came to anchor near us, which we discovered by their lights, as it was quite dark. But as they could easily see us, by the lights at our ports, that we were in readiness for them, they durst not come any nearer, so that we rode quietly all night. Early of the 15th, we weighed with the land-wind, and coming somewhat near the frigates, they also weighed and stood to the southwards. We held on our course past the bar, towards South Swally, where we soon after arrived, though much opposed by contrary winds.

Soon after we were anch.o.r.ed, I sent Molineux in his pinnace, and Mr Spooner with Samuel Squire in my _gellywatte_,[123] to take the soundings within the sands. In a channel where we found only five feet at low water in our former voyage, Mr Molineux had now three fathoms; and Mr Spooner had now seven or eight feet, where our boats could not pa.s.s at all formerly. Seeing some people on the sh.o.r.e in the afternoon, whom I supposed might be some of our merchants from Surat, I sent my pinnace to them; but they were some of the people belonging to _Coge Nozan_, sent to discover what nation we were of. From them I got farther information respecting the wars with the Portuguese, being told that the Moguls were besieging Damaun and Diu, Mocrib or Mucrob Khan being the general of the Mogul forces against Damaun; and I also learnt to my sorrow, that Mucrob Khan was governor and viceroy, as it may be called, not only over Surat, but all the country round, as, from former experience, I considered him to be a great enemy of our nation, and a friend to the Portuguese. From these people likewise, I heard of the health of Mr Aldworth and the rest of our factory, and wrote to hasten his presence, sending my letters by the servants of Coge Nozan.

[Footnote 123: From this singular term, what is now called the _jollyboat_ has probably derived its name.--E.]

I sent my purser on sh.o.r.e in the pinnace, early of the 16th, to purchase such necessaries as I thought might easily have been got; but he returned about ten o'clock a.m. without buying any thing for our purpose, bringing with him Mr Aldword, the chief merchant of our factory at Surat, along with whom was one Richard Steel, who had come over-land to Surat from Aleppo.[124] Mr Aldworth endeavoured to persuade me that Mucrob Khan was our friend, and that we had now an excellent opportunity to obtain good trade and satisfactory privileges while the Moguls were engaged in war with the Portuguese; and as both the Nabob and all the natives were rejoiced at hearing of our arrival, they would a.s.suredly give us a most favourable reception. Pleased with these hopeful circ.u.mstances, I yet still wished some other person here in command instead of Mucrob Khan, of whom I remained doubtful, and that we should have no free trade from him, but in his accustomed manner, which I believed to have been, of his own accord to cross us, and not as so constrained by direction of his king; and the event turned out accordingly, though we were wise behind the band, as will appear in the sequel. Even the name he bore ought to have opened our eyes as to his influence with the Great Mogul: as _Mocrub_ signifies as much as _his own bowels, Khan_ meaning _great lord_. Yet I was deluded to believe that his favour with the king was tottering, and that he might easily be brought into disgrace, by complaint of any thing done contrary to the will or humour of the king; so that we were too bold, and injured our business when we found him opposing us, as we thought unreasonably. On enquiring into the state of our business, and the health of our factory, Mr Aldworth informed me that Paul Canning and several others had died; that Thomas Kerridge had long since been agent in his room at the court of the Mogul, and that the factory at Surat now only contained himself and William Bidulph.

[Footnote 124: Mr Richard Stell, or Steel, had gone to Aleppo, to recover a debt from a merchant of that city, who had fled to India; and, following him through Persia, Mr Steel had arrived at Surat. On his report, the factors at Surat made an experiment to open a trade with Persia, which will form the subject of a future section of this chapter.--E.]

In the morning of the 17th, I called a council to advise upon the best manner of conducting our affairs here, and to consider who might be the best person to send to Agraas resident. Then entering upon the six interrogatories, inserted in the second article of our commission, I required Mr Aldworth to give direct answers to every question.--1. In what favour was Paul Canning with the emperor and his council, and how did he conduct himself at court in the business entrusted to him? He answered, That on his first arrival at court, he was well respected by the emperor, till the Jesuits made known that he was a merchant, and not sent immediately from our king; after which he was neglected, as he himself complained: and, as for his carriage and behaviour there, so far as he knew, it was sufficiently good;--3. Then demanding, whether it were needful to maintain a resident at court? Mr Aldworth answered, That it was certainly necessary, as the emperor required that one of our nation should reside there; and therefore, that the person ought to be a man of good respect, for preventing and counteracting any injuries that might be offered by the Jesuits, our determined adversaries; as he might also be extremely useful in promoting and directing the purchase and sale of various commodities.--6. Being questioned as to the expences of a resident at court? he said, according to the estimate of Paul Canning, it might be about 300 per annum; but, some time afterwards, his estimate was found to extend to five, six, and seven hundred pounds a year.--Being afterwards questioned, Whether he thought it fit that Mr Edwards should proceed to court under the designation of a merchant, according to the strict letter of the company's commission? his opinion was, by the experience of the late Mr Canning, that such a resident would not be at all respected by the king.

In the morning of the 24th, Coge Nozan came down to the water side, and rested in my tent till I landed. I repaired to him, accompanied by all our merchants, and attended by a strong guard, armed with halberts, muskets, and pikes, having a coach to carry me from the landing place to the tent. On alighting from my coach, Coge Nozan came immediately to meet me. Before entering on business, he was told that a present for the Nabob was to be delivered to him, which was brought in. This consisted of a case containing six knives, two pair of knives, six sword-blades, six Spanish pikes, one case of combs, one mirror, one picture of Mars and Venus, one ditto of the Judgment of Paris, two Muscovy hides, and one gilded case of bottles filled with strong rich cordials. I then made the following present to himself: Six knives in single sheaths, four sword-blades, two pikes, one comb-case, a mirror, a picture of Moses, and a case of bottles, in consideration of the promise made by the nabob to our people, that whatever Coge Nozan agreed to, he the nabob would perform.

I then moved for the enlargement of our privileges, and lessening of our customs, especially at Baroach, and that we might have a daily bazar or market at the water side, where we might purchase beef for our people, according to the _firmaun_ already granted by the Mogul, and because other flesh did not answer for them. He answered, that the nabob would shew us every favour in his power, if we would a.s.sist him against the Portuguese; that the customs of Baroach were out of his power to regulate, as the king had already farmed these to another person at a stipulated rent; and that we should have a regular market, but that bullocks and cows could not be allowed, as the king had granted a firmaun to the Banians, in consideration of a very large sum of money, that these might not be slaughtered. In fine, I found he had no power to grant us any thing; yet, willing to leave me somewhat contented, he proposed that I should send some of our merchants along with him to the nabob, where our business might be farther discussed.

I accordingly sent along with him, Mr Aldworth, Mr Ensworth, Mr Dodsworth, Mr Mitford, and some others. Two or three days afterwards, they had access to the nabob, to whom they explained our desires, as before expressed. He then desired to know whether we would go with our s.h.i.+ps to fight for him against Damaun, in which case, he said, we might count upon his favour? To this it was answered, that we could not on any account do this, as our king and the king of Spain were in peace. He then asked if we would remove our s.h.i.+ps to the bar of Surat, and fight there against the Portuguese s.h.i.+ps, if they came to injure the subjects of the Mogul? This likewise was represented to be contrary to the peace between our kings. On which he said, since we would do nothing for his service, he would do nothing for us. Several of the merchants of Surat endeavoured to persuade our merchants, that I ought to give way to the reasonable request of the nabob, and might still do what I thought proper; as, notwithstanding of our s.h.i.+ps riding at the bar, the Portuguese frigates could go in and out on each side of me, owing to their light draught of water. To this I answered, that the proposal was utterly unfit for me to listen to; as whatever I promised I must perform, though at the expence of my own life and of all under my command, and that I could not possibly lend myself to fight against the Portuguese on any account whatever, unless they first attacked me, as it was absolutely contrary to my commission from my own sovereign. I added, that, if the Portuguese provoked me by any aggression, I would not be withheld from fighting them for all the wealth of the nabob: But he made small account of this distinction, and, seeing that we refused to fulfil his wishes, he opposed us in all our proceedings as far as he could, so that we nearly lost all our former hopes of trading at this place. In this dilemma, I made enquiry respecting _Gengomar_ and _Castellata_, and also of _Gogo_:[125] but could get poor encouragement to change for better dealing, so that we remained long perplexed how to act, and returned to our business at the s.h.i.+ps.

[Footnote 125: Gogo is on the west sh.o.r.e of the gulf of Cambay. In an after pa.s.sage of this voyage, what is here called Gengomar _and_ Castellata, is called Gengomar _or_ Castelletto, which may possibly refer to Jumbosier, on a river of the same name, about sixty miles north from Surat. Castelletta must have been a name imposed by the Portuguese.--E.]

The 27th, in the morning, when Nicholas Ufflet went ash.o.r.e, he found all the people belonging to Swally had gone away from the water-side in the night, as also all those who used to stay beside the tents, in consequence of an order from the nabob; and was farther informed that our merchants were detained at Surat, having been stopped by force when attempting to cross the bridge, and had even been beaten by the guard set there by the nabob. The gunner's boy and his companion, formerly supposed to have run away, and who were in company at the time with our merchants, being on their return to the s.h.i.+ps, were also well beaten, and detained with the rest. The 31st we began to take in fresh water, to be ready for departing, as our stay here seemed so very uncertain. This day, Thomas Smith, the master's boy, had most of the outer part of one of his thighs bitten off by a great fish, while swimming about the s.h.i.+p.

The ravenous fish drew him under water, yet he came up again and swam to the s.h.i.+p, and got up to the bend, where he fainted. Being brought into the gun-room, the surgeon endeavoured to do what he could for his recovery; but he had lost so much blood that he never recovered out of the swoon, and shortly died.

In the evening of the 2d November, Mr Aldworth and Mr Elkington came down from Surat, where they left Mr Ensworth very sick. They reported to me their proceedings with the nabob, as formerly stated; but said they were now reconciled, and that he had made fair promises of future respect, with a free trade through all the country under his government.

I do not attribute his severe proceedings. .h.i.therto to any hatred or ill-will to our nation, but to his fears lest we might unite with the Portuguese against him, owing to my refusing to a.s.sist him against Damaun. These his doubts and fears were increased by a knavish device of the subtle and lying Jesuits; who, taking advantage of my refusal to fight against the Portuguese without cause, at Damaun or elsewhere, pretended with the nabob that they had a letter from the viceroy, saying, That he and his friends the English meant to join their forces and come against Surat. This devilish device gave much hindrance to our business, by occasioning continual doubt in the nabob's mind of our friendly intentions; and unfortunately likewise, Mr Aldworth had strengthened these doubts and fears, though ignorant of the lying inventions of the jesuits; for, thinking to mollify their rigour, he rashly advised them to beware, lest their ill usage might force us to join with the Portuguese against them. We likewise believed that the order of the nabob, forbidding the people to trade with us on board, proceeded entirely from his desire to thwart us: But we afterwards learnt, by letter from Thomas Kerridge, that Mucrob Khan, and all other governors of sea-ports, had express orders from the Mogul, not to allow any trade with us till they had first chosen and purchased, for the king's use, all kinds of strange and unusual things we might have to dispose of.

On the 3d I called a council to deliberate concerning our business, and especially how far we might proceed in aid of the natives against the Portuguese, for which purpose we carefully examined our commission and instructions. We also arranged the appointments of the merchants for their several places of employment, both such as were to remain in the factory at Surat, and those who were to proceed on the voyage. This day likewise, sixty bales of indigo, and eleven packs of cotton-yarn, came aboard from Surat, being goods that belonged to the _twelfth_ voyage.

It was my desire to have been ash.o.r.e among our merchants, that I might a.s.sist in arranging our business at Surat; and this the rather because of the turbulent, head-strong, and haughty spirit of----,[126] who was ever striving to sway every thing his own way, thwarting others who aimed at the common good, and whose better discretion led them to more humility. But such was the uncertain state of our business, partly owing to the nabob and his people, and partly to the Portuguese, who I heard were arming against us; and besides, because I understood that the nabob proposed to demand rest.i.tution for the goods taken by Sir Henry Middleton in the Red Sea, at under rates, as they say, though I know they had goods for goods even to the value of a halfpenny. On all these accounts, therefore, I thought it best to keep nearest my princ.i.p.al charge, referring all things on sh.o.r.e to the merchants of my council, in most of whom I had great confidence.

[Footnote 126: This name is left blank in the Pilgrims, probably because Purchas, a contemporary, did not wish to give offence.--E.]

The 22d November, I finished my letters for Persia; being one for the company, to be forwarded over land, one for Sir Robert s.h.i.+rley, and one of instructions for Richard Steel. The 23d, _Lacandus_, the Banian, came down to us, with news of discontent and hard speeches that had pa.s.sed between the nabob and our merchants, but who were now again reconciled.

This was occasioned by Mr Edwards refusing to let him see the presents, which he was at last obliged to consent to. All these merchants wrote me at this time separately, that the viceroy was certainly arming against us. At this time Mr Ensworth and Timothy Wood died within an hour of each other. John Orwicke, Robert Young, and Esay But, were now dispatched to provide such cloths and cotton-yarns as we had formerly agreed on. The 25th Mr Edwards wrote me of the coming of three great men, bringing seven firmauns from the Great Mogul; in whose presence the nabob bestowed upon him 850 _mahmudies_, ten fine _basties_, thirty _top-seels_, and thirty _allizaes_; at the same time he gave ten _top-seels_ to Mr Elkington and Mr Dodsworth, a cloak to Mr Aldworth and another to Mr Elkington, Mr Dodsworth having had one before. He likewise promised free trade to all places under his command, and abundant refreshments for our people in the s.h.i.+ps.

The 27th, John Crowther came from Surat, to inform me he had been appointed by the chief merchants at Surat to accompany Mr Steel into Persia, and had therefore come to take leave of me, and to fetch away his things from the s.h.i.+p. This day also Mr Edwards wrote to me, by Edmund Espinol, to send him fifty elephants teeth, indifferently chosen as to size, as a banian merchant was in treaty for them all, if they could agree on terms. The 6th December, the nabob seemed ashamed that he had not shewn me the smallest respect since my arrival, and, being desirous to excuse himself, he this day entreated Mr Edwards to go on board along with the great banian who had bought our ivory, and Lacandas, the banian merchant of the junk belonging to the king of _Cushan_.[127] He chose this last, on account of his former familiarity with our people, and commissioned him to buy sword-blades, knives, and mirrors. By them he sent me a present, consisting of two _corge_ of coa.r.s.e _bastas_, ten fine _bastas_, ten _top-seels_, ten _cuttonies_, and three quilts, together with a message, certifying that the nabob proposed to come down to visit me in a day or two at the most. At their going ash.o.r.e, I gave them a salute of five guns.

[Footnote 127: Kessem, on the coast of Arabia Felix, is probably here meant.--E.]

They told me, that the nabob had certain intelligence from Goa, that the viceroy was fitting out all the force he could muster to come against us; and expressed a wish, on the part of the nabob, that I would convoy one or two of his s.h.i.+ps for two or three days sail from the coast, which were bound for the Red Sea. To this I answered, that I could not do this; as, if once off the coast, the wind was entirely adverse for our return: But, if he would further our dispatch, so that we might be ready in any convenient time, I would do any thing reasonable that he could desire. The 9th, the nabob's son came to the sh.o.r.e, but would not venture on board, wherefore I went ash.o.r.e to him. He had a horse ready for me on landing to fetch me, and desired me to sit down beside him, which I did. He then commanded some hors.e.m.e.n, who accompanied him, to amuse me, by shewing their warlike evolutions on the sands, chasing each other after the fas.h.i.+on of the Deccan, whence they were; and at his desire I caused eleven guns to be fired, to do him honour. Though he refused to drink any wine at this interview, he sent for it after his departure, as also for a fowling-piece he had seen in the hands of one of our people, both which I sent him, together with a bowl from which to drink the wine.

--2. _Account of the Forces of the Portuguese, their hostile Attempts, and Fight with the English, in which they are disgracefully repulsed_.