Volume II Part 5 (1/2)
”It appears from an article in 'The Journal of the Times,' a newspaper of some promise, just established in Bennington, Vt., that a pet.i.tion to Congress for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia is about to be put in circulation in that State.
”The idea is an excellent one, and we hope it will meet with success. That Congress has a right to abolish slavery in that District seems reasonable, though we fear it will meet with some opposition, so very sensitive are the slave-holding community to every movement relating to the abolition of slavery. At the same time, it would furnish to the world a beautiful pledge of their sincerity if they would unite with the non-slave-holding States, and by a unanimous vote proclaim freedom to every soul within sight of the capital of this free government. We could then say, and the world would then admit our pretence, that the voice of the nation is against slavery, and throw back upon Great Britain that disgrace which is of right and justice her exclusive property.”
Charmed by the originality, boldness, and humanity of Garrison, the meek little Quaker went to Boston by stage; and then, with staff in hand, walked to Bennington, Vt., to see the young man whose great heart-throbs for the slave he had felt in ”The Journal of the Times.”
There, in the Green Mountains of Vermont, swept by the free air, and mantled by the pure snow, the meek Quaker communed with the strict Baptist, and they both took sweet counsel together. The bright torch that Garrison had held up to the people in Vermont was to be transferred to the people of Baltimore, who were ”sitting in darkness.” So, as a result of this conference, Garrison agreed to join Lundy in conducting ”The Genius of Universal Emanc.i.p.ation.”
Accordingly, in September, 1829, Garrison took the princ.i.p.al charge of the Journal, enlarged it, and issued it as a weekly. Lundy was to travel, lecture, and solicit subscribers in its interest, and contribute to its editorial columns as he could from time to time.
Both men were equally against slavery: Lundy for gradual emanc.i.p.ation and _colonization_; but Garrison for _immediate and unconditional emanc.i.p.ation_. Garrison said of this difference: ”But I wasn't much help to him, for he had been all for gradual emanc.i.p.ation, and as soon as I began to look into the matter, I became convinced that immediate abolition was the doctrine to be preached, and I scattered his subscribers like pigeons.”
But the good ”Friend” contemplated the destructive zeal of his young helper with the complacency so characteristic of his cla.s.s, standing by his doctrine that every one should follow ”his own light.” But it was not long before Garrison made a bold attack upon one of the vilest features of the slave-trade, which put an end to his paper, and resulted in his arrest, trial for libel, conviction, and imprisonment.
The story runs as follows:
”A certain s.h.i.+p, the 'Francis Todd,' from Newburyport, came to Baltimore and took in a load of slaves for the New Orleans market. All the harrowing cruelties and separations which attend the rending asunder of families and the sale of slaves, were enacted under the eyes of the youthful philanthropist, and in a burning article he denounced the inter-State slave-trade as piracy, and piracy of an aggravated and cruel kind, inasmuch as those born and educated in civilized and Christianized society have more sensibility to feel the evils thus inflicted than imbruted savages. He denounced the owners of the s.h.i.+p and all the parties in no measured terms, and expressed his determination to 'cover with thick infamy all who were engaged in the transaction.'”
Then, to be sure, the sleeping tiger was roused, for there was a vigor and power in the young editor's eloquence that quite dissipated the good-natured contempt which had hitherto hung round the paper. He was indicted for libel, found guilty, of course, condemned, imprisoned in the cell of a man who had been hanged for murder. His mother at this time was not living, but her heroic, undaunted spirit still survived in her son, who took the baptism of persecution and obloquy not merely with patience, but with the joy which strong spirits feel in endurance. He wrote sonnets on the walls of his prison, and by his cheerful and engaging manners made friends of his jailer and family, who did everything to render his situation as comfortable as possible.
Some considerable effort was made for his release, and much interest was excited in various quarters for him.[13]
Finally, the benevolent Arthur Tappan came forward and paid the exorbitant fine imposed upon Garrison, and he went forth a more inveterate foe of slavery. This incident gave the world one of the greatest reformers since Martin Luther. Without money, social influence, or friends, Garrison lifted again the standard of liberty.
He began a lecture tour in which G.o.d taught him the magnitude of his work. Everywhere mouths were sealed and public halls closed against him. At length, on January 1, 1831, he issued the first number of ”The Liberator,” which he continued to edit for thirty-five years, and discontinued it only when every slave in America was free! His methods of a.s.sailing the modern Goliath of slavery were thus tersely put:
”I determined, at every hazard, to lift up the standard of emanc.i.p.ation in the eyes of the nation, within sight of Bunker Hill, and in the birthplace of liberty. That standard is now unfurled; and long may it float, unhurt by the spoliations of time or the missiles of a desperate foe; yea, till every chain be broken, and every bondman set free! Let Southern oppressors tremble; let their secret abettors tremble; let all the enemies of the persecuted Black tremble. a.s.senting to the self-evident truths maintained in the American Declaration of Independence,--'that all men are created equal, and endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, among which are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness,' I shall strenuously contend for the immediate enfranchis.e.m.e.nt of our slave population.
”I am aware that many object to the severity of my language; but is there not cause for severity? I will be as harsh as truth, and as uncompromising as justice. On this subject I do not wish to think, or speak, or write with moderation. No! No! Tell a man whose house is on fire to give a moderate alarm; tell him to moderately rescue his wife from the hands of the ravisher; tell the mother to gradually extricate her babe from the fire into which it has fallen; but urge me not to use moderation in a cause like the present! I am in earnest. I will not equivocate--I will not excuse--I will not retreat a single inch. AND I WILL BE HEARD. The apathy of the people is enough to make every statue leap from its pedestal, and to hasten the resurrection of the dead.
”It is pretended that I am r.e.t.a.r.ding the cause of emanc.i.p.ation by the coa.r.s.eness of my invective and the precipitancy of my measures. The charge is not true. On this question, my influence, humble as it is, is felt at this moment to a considerable extent; and it shall be felt in coming years--not perniciously, but beneficially,--not as a curse, but as a blessing; and POSTERITY WILL BEAR TESTIMONY THAT I WAS RIGHT. I desire to thank G.o.d that He enables me to disregard 'the fear of man which bringeth a snare,' and to speak truth in its simplicity and power; and I here close with this dedication:
”Oppression! I have seen thee, face to face, And met thy cruel eye and cloudy brow; By thy soul-withering glance I fear not now-- For dread to prouder feelings doth give place, Of deep abhorrence! Scorning the disgrace Of slavish knees that at thy footstool bow, I also kneel--but with far other vow Do hail thee and thy herd of hirelings base; I swear, while life-blood warms my throbbing veins, Still to oppose and thwart, with heart and hand, Thy brutalizing sway--till Afric's chains Are burst, and Freedom rules the rescued land, Trampling Oppression and his iron rod; Such is the vow I take--so help me, G.o.d!”
There never was a grander declaration of war against slavery. There never was a more intrepid leader than William Lloyd Garrison. Words more prophetic were never uttered by human voice. His paper did indeed make ”Southern oppression tremble,” while its high resolves and sublime sentiments found a response in the hearts of many people. It is pleasant to record that this first impression of ”The Liberator”
brought a list of twenty-five subscribers from Philadelphia, backed by $50 in cash, sent by James Forten, a Colored man!
One year from the day he issued the first number of his paper, William Lloyd Garrison, at the head of eleven others, organized _The American Anti-Slavery Society_. It has been indicated already that he was in favor of immediate emanc.i.p.ation; but, in addition to that principle, he took the ground that slavery was supported by the Const.i.tution; that it was ”a covenant with death and an agreement with h.e.l.l”; that as a Christian it was his duty to obey G.o.d rather than man; that his conscience was paramount to the Const.i.tution, and, therefore, his duty was to work outside of the Const.i.tution for the destruction of slavery. Thus did Garrison establish the first Anti-slavery Society in this country to adopt aggressive measures and demand immediate and unconditional emanc.i.p.ation. It is not claimed that his methods were original. Daniel O'Connell was perhaps the greatest _agitator_ of the present century. In a speech delivered at Cork, he said:--
”I speak of liberty in commendation. Patriotism is a virtue, but it can be selfish. Give me the great and immortal Bolivar, the savior and regenerator of his country. He found her a province, and he has made her a nation. His first act was to give freedom to the slaves upon his own estate. (Hear, hear.) In Colombia, all castes and all colors are free and unshackled. But how I like to contrast him with the far-famed Northern heroes! George Was.h.i.+ngton! That great and enlightened character--the soldier and the statesman--had but one blot upon his character. He had slaves, and he gave them liberty when he wanted them no longer.
(Loud cheers.) Let America, in the fulness of her pride wave on high her banner of freedom and its blazing stars. I point to her, and say: There is one foul blot upon it: you have negro slavery.
They may compare their struggles for freedom to Marathon and Leuctra, and point to the rifleman with his gun, amidst her woods and forests, shouting for liberty and America. In the midst of their laughter and their pride, I point them to the negro children screaming for the mother from whose bosom they have been torn. America, it is a foul stain upon your character! (Cheers.) This conduct kept up by men who had themselves to struggle for freedom, is doubly unjust. Let them hoist the flag of liberty, with the whip and rack on one side, and the star of freedom upon the other. The Americans are a sensitive people; in fifty-four years they have increased their population from three millions to twenty millions; they have many glories that surround them, but their beams are partly shorn, for they have slaves. (Cheers.) Their hearts do not beat so strong for liberty as mine.... I will call for justice, in the name of the living G.o.d, and I shall find an echo in the breast of every human being. (Cheers.)”[14]
But while Garrison's method of agitation was not original, it was new to this country. He spoke as one having authority, and his fiery earnestness warmed the frozen feeling of the Northern people, and startled the entire South. One year from the formation of the society above alluded to (December 4, 5, and 6, 1833), a _National Anti-Slavery Convention_ was held in Philadelphia, with sixty delegates from ten States! In 1836 there were 250 auxiliary anti-slavery societies in thirteen States; and eighteen months later they had increased to 1,006. Money came to these societies from every direction, and the good work had been fairly started.
William Lloyd Garrison created a party, and it will be known in history as the _Garrisonian Party_.
While Mr. Garrison had taken the position that slavery was const.i.tutional, there were those who held the other view, that slavery was unconst.i.tutional, and, therefore, upon const.i.tutional grounds should be abolished.
The Whig party was the nearest to the anti-slavery society of any of the political organizations of the time. It had promised, in convention a.s.sembled, ”to promote all const.i.tutional measures for the overthrow of slavery, and to oppose at all times, with uncompromising zeal and firmness, any further addition of slave-holding States to this Union, out of whatever territory formed.[15] But the party never got beyond this. Charles Sumner was a member of the Whig party, but was greatly disturbed about its indifference on the question of slavery. In 1846 he delivered a speech before the Whig convention of Ma.s.sachusetts on ”_The Anti-Slavery Duties of the Whig Party_.” He declared his positive opposition to slavery; said that he intended to attack the inst.i.tution on const.i.tutional grounds; that slavery was not a ”covenant with death or an agreement with h.e.l.l”; that he intended to do his work for the slave inside of the Const.i.tution. He said:--
”There is in the Const.i.tution no compromise on the subject of slavery of a character not to be reached legally and const.i.tutionally, which is the only way in which I propose to reach it. Wherever power and jurisdiction are secured to Congress, they may unquestionably be exercised in conformity with the Const.i.tution. And even in matters beyond existing powers and jurisdiction there is a const.i.tutional mode of action. The Const.i.tution contains an article pointing out how at any time amendments may be made thereto. This is an important article, giving to the Const.i.tution a progressive character, and allowing it to be moulded to suit new exigencies and new conditions of feeling. The wise framers of this instrument did not treat the country as a Chinese foot, never to grow after its infancy, but antic.i.p.ated the changes incident to its growth.”
He proposed to the Whigs as their rallying watchword, the ”REPEAL OF SLAVERY UNDER THE CONSt.i.tUTION AND LAWS OF THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT.”