Volume II Part 19 (1/2)
The next instance which I shall bring forward to prove the want of principle of the Federal Government is its permitting, and it may be said tacitly acquiescing, in the seizure of the province of Texas, and allowing it to be ravished from the Mexican Government, with whom they were on terms of amity, but who was unfortunately too weak to help herself. In this instance the American Government had no excuse, as it actually had an army on the frontier, and could have compelled the insurgents to go back; but no; it perceived that the Texas, if in its hands, or if independent of Mexico, would become a mart for their extra slave population, that it was the finest country in the world for producing cotton, and that it would be an immense addition of valuable territory. Dr Channing's letter to Mr Clay is so forcible on this question, enters so fully into the merits of the case, and points out so clearly the nefariousness of the transaction, that I shall now quote a few pa.s.sages from this best of American authority. Indeed, I consider that this letter of Dr Channing is the princ.i.p.al cause why the American Government have not as yet admitted Texas into the Union. The efforts of the Northern States would not have prevented it, but it has actually been shamed by Dr Channing, who says--
”The United States have not been just to Mexico. Our citizens did not steal singly, silently, in disguise, into that land. Their purpose of dismembering Mexico, and attaching her distant province to this country, was not wrapt in mystery. It was proclaimed in our public prints.
Expeditions were openly fitted out within our borders for the Texan war.
Troops were organised, equipped, and marched for the scene of action.
Advertis.e.m.e.nts for volunteers, to be enrolled and conducted to Texas at the expense of that territory, were inserted in our newspapers. The Government, indeed, issued its proclamation, forbidding these hostile preparations; but this was a dead letter. Military companies, with officers and standards, in defiance of proclamations, and in the face of day, directed their steps to the revolted province. We had, indeed, an army near the frontiers of Mexico. Did it turn back these invaders of a land with which we were at peace? On the contrary, did not its presence give confidence to the revolters? After this, what construction of our conduct shall we force on the world, if we proceed, especially at this moment, to receive into our Union the territory, which, through our neglect, has fallen a prey to lawless invasion? Are we willing to take our place among robber-states? As a people have we no self-respect?
Have we no reverence for national morality? Have we no feeling of responsibility to other nations, and to Him by whom the fates of nations are disposed?”
Dr Channing then proceeds:--
”Some crimes by their magnitude have a touch of the sublime; and to this dignity the seizure of Texas by our citizens is ent.i.tled. Modern times furnish no example of individual rapine on so grand a scale. It is nothing less than the robbery of a realm. The pirate seizes a s.h.i.+p.
The colonists and their coadjutors can satisfy themselves with nothing short of an empire. They have left their Anglo-Saxon ancestors behind them. Those barbarians conformed to the maxims of their age, to the rude code of nations in time of thickest heathen darkness. They invaded England under their sovereigns, and with the sanction of the gloomy religion of the North. But it is in a civilised age, and amidst refinements of manners; it is amidst the lights of science and the teachings of Christianity; amidst expositions of the law of nations and enforcements of the law of universal love; amidst inst.i.tutions of religion, learning, and humanity, that the robbery of Texas has found its instruments. It is from a free, well-ordered, enlightened Christian country, that hordes have gone forth in open day, to perpetrate _this mighty wrong_.”
I shall conclude my remarks upon this point with one more extract from the same writer.
”A nation, provoking war by cupidity, by encroachment, and, above all, by efforts to propagate the curse of slavery, is alike false to itself, to G.o.d, and to the human race.”
Having now shewn how far the Federal Government may be considered as upholding the purity of its inst.i.tutions by the example of its conduct towards others, let us examine whether in its domestic management it sets a proper example to the nation. It cries out against the bribery and corruption of England. Is it itself free from this imputation?
The author of a 'Voice from America' observes, ”In such an unauthorised, unconst.i.tutional, and loose state of things, millions of the public money may be appropriated to electioneering and party purposes, and to buy up friends of the administration, without being open to proof or liable to account. It is a simple _matter of fact_, that all the public funds lost in this way, have actually gone to buy up friends to the government, whether the defalcations were matters of understanding between the powers at Was.h.i.+ngton and these parties, or not. The money is gone, and is going; and it goes to friends. So much is true, whatever else is false. And what has already been used up in this way, according to official report, is sufficient to buy the votes of a large fraction of the population of the United States,--that is to say, sufficient to produce an influence adequate to secure them. On the 17th of January, 1838, the United States treasurer reported to Congress _sixty-three_ defalcators (individuals), in all to the amount of upwards of a _million_ of dollars, without touching the vast amounts lost in the local banks,--a mere beginning of the end.”
As I have before observed, when Mr Adams was President, a Mr B Walker was thrown into prison for being a defaulter to the extent of eighteen thousand dollars. Why are none of these defaulters to the amount of upwards a million of dollars punished? If the government thinks proper to allow them to remain at liberty, does it not virtually wink at their dishonesty. Neither the defaulters nor their securities are touched.
It would appear as if it were an understood arrangement; the government telling these parties, who have a.s.sisted them, ”we cannot actually pay you money down for your services; but we will put money under your control, and you may, if you please, _help_ yourself.” What has been the result of this conduct upon society?--that as the government does not consider a breach of faith as deserving of punishment, society does not think so either; and thus are the people demoralised, not only by the example of government in its foreign relations, but by its leniency towards those individuals who are as regardless of faith as the government has proved to be itself.
Indeed, it may be boldly a.s.serted, that in every measure taken by the Federal Government, the moral effect of that measure upon the people has never been thought worthy of a moment's consideration.
VOLUME TWO, CHAPTER NINE.
We must now examine into one or two other points. The Americans consider that they are the only people on earth who govern themselves.
They a.s.sert that _we_ have not a free and perfect representation. We will not dispute that point; the question is, not what the case in England may be, but what America may have gained. This is certain, that if they have not a free impartial representation, they do _not_, as they suppose, govern themselves. Have they, with universal suffrage, obtained a representation free from bribery and corruption? If they have, they certainly have gained their point; if they have not, they have sacrificed much, and have obtained nothing.
By a calculation which I made at the time I was in the United States of all the various elections which took place annually, biennially, and at longer dates, including those for the Federal Government, the separate governments of each State, and many other elective offices, there are about two thousand five hundred elections of different descriptions every year; and if I were to add the civic elections, which are equally political, I do not know what amount they would arrive at. In this country we have on an average about two hundred elections per annum, so that, in America, for thirteen millions, they have two thousand five hundred elections, and in England for twenty-seven millions, two hundred, on the average, during the year.
It must, however, be admitted, that the major portion of these elections in the United States pa.s.s off quietly, probably from the comparative want of interest excited by them, and the continual repet.i.tion which takes place; but when the important elections are in progress the case is very different; the excitement then becomes universal; the coming election is the theme of every tongue, the all-engrossing topic, and nothing else is listened or paid attention to.
It must be remembered, that the struggle in America is for place, not for principle; for whichever party obtains power, their principle of acting is much the same. Occasionally a question of moment will come forward and nearly convulse the Union, but this is very rare; the general course of legislation is in a very narrow compa.s.s, and is seldom more than a mere routine of business. With the majority, who lead a party, (particularly the one at present in power), the contest is not, therefore, for principle, but, it may almost be said, for bread; and this is one great cause of the virulence accompanying their election struggles. The election of the President is of course the most important. M. Tocqueville has well described it, ”For a long while before the appointed time is at hand, the election becomes the most important and the all-engrossing topic of discussion. The ardour of faction is redoubled; and all the artificial pa.s.sions which the imagination can create in the bosom of a happy and peaceful land are and brought to light. The President, on the other hand, is absorbed by the cares of self-defence. He no longer governs for the interest of the State, but for that of his re-election; he does homage to the majority, and instead of checking its pa.s.sions, as his duty commands him to do, he frequently courts its worst caprices. As the election draws near, the activity of intrigue and the agitation of the populace increase; the citizens are divided into hostile camps, each of which a.s.sumes the name of its favourite candidate; the whole nation glows with feverish excitement; the election is the daily theme of the public papers, the subject of private conversation, the end of every thought and every action, the sole interest of the present.”
Of course the elections in the large cities are those which next occupy the public attention. I have before stated, that at the last election in New York the committees of the opposite party were bought over by the Whigs, and that by this bribery the election was gained; but I will now quote from the Americans themselves, and let the reader then decide in which country, England or America, there is most purity of election.
”On the 9th, 10th, and 11th instant, a local election for mayor and charter-offices was held in this city. It resulted in the defeat of the Whig party. The Loco-focos had a majority of about one thousand and fifty for their mayor. Last April the Whigs had a majority of about five hundred. There are seventeen wards, and seventeen polls were opened. The out, or suburb, wards presented _the most disgraceful scenes of riot, fraud, corruption, and perjury_, that were ever witnessed in this or any other country on a similar occasion. The whole number of votes polled was forty-one thousand three hundred. It is a notorious fact, that there are not forty thousand legal voters residing in the city. In the abstract this election is but of little importance.
Its moral influence on other sections of the country remains to be seen. Generally, the effect of such a triumph is unfavourable to the defeated party in other places; and it would be so in the present instance, if the contest had been an ordinary contest, but the circ.u.mstances to which I have referred of fraud, corruption, and perjury, may, or may not, re-act upon the alleged authors of these shameless proceedings.”
Again, ”The moderate and thinking men of both parties--indeed, we may say every honourable man who has been a spectator of recent events--feel shocked at the frauds, perjury, and corruption, which too evidently enabled the administration party to poll so powerful a vote. What are we coming to in this country? A peaceable contest at the polls is a peaceable test of party--it is to ascertain the opinions and views of citizens ent.i.tled to vote--it is a fair and honourable party appeal to the ballot-box. We are all Americans--living under the same const.i.tution and laws; each boasting of his freedom and equal rights-- our political differences are, after all, the differences between members of the same national family. What, therefore, is to become of our freedom and rights, _our morals, safety, and religion_, if the administration of our government is permitted to embark in such open, avowed, palpable schemes of fraud and corruption as those recently exhibited in this city? More than _five thousand_ strangers, having no interest and no domicile, are introduced by the partisans of the administration into the city, and brought up to the polls to decide who shall make our munic.i.p.al laws. More than four hundred votes over and above the ascertained votes of a ward, are polled in such ward. Men moved from ward to ward to sleep one night as an evasive qualification.
More than two hundred sailors, from United States' vessels of war, brought over to the city to vote--sloops and small craft, trading down the north and east rivers, each known never to have more than three bands, turning out thirty or forty voters from each vessel. Men turned from the polls for want of legal qualifications, brought back by administration partisans and made to _swear_ in their vote. Hundreds with the red clay of New Jersey adhering to their thick-soled shoes, presenting themselves to vote as citizens of New York, and all this fraud and perjury set on foot and justified to enable Mr Van Buren to say, 'I have recovered the city.' But he has been signally defeated, as he ought to be, notwithstanding all his mighty efforts. There is this day a clearly ascertained Whig majority in this city of five thousand.
”It is, therefore, a mockery to call a contest with persons from other States, hired for the occasion, an election. _We must have a registry of votes_, in order to sweep away this vast system _of perjury and fraud_; and every man who has an interest at stake in his person, his children, or his property, must demand it of the legislature, as the only means of coming to a fair decision on all such matters. This charter election should open the eyes of the honourable of all parties to the dangers that menace us, and a redress provided in time.”
Again, ”_The Atlas, Monday Morning, April_ 16, 1838.--(_Triumphant Result of the Election to New York_).--We have rarely known an election which, during its continuance, has excited so lively a degree of interest as has been felt in regard to the contest just terminated in New York. From numerous quarters we have received letters requesting us to transmit the earliest intelligence of the result, and an anxiety has been evinced among the Whigs of the country, which we have hardly seen surpa.s.sed. The tremendous onset of the Loco-focos upon the first day increased this anxiety, and fears began to be entertained that the unparalleled and unscrupulous efforts of our opponents--their shameless resort to every species of fraud, violence, and corruption--their importation of foreign, perjured voters, and the _lavish distribution of the public money_--might possibly overpower the legitimate voice of the majority of the citizens of New York. But gloriously have these fears been dispelled. n.o.bly have the Whigs of the great metropolis done their duty. Gladly does old Ma.s.sachusetts respond to their paeans of triumph.