Part 26 (2/2)
France was too well aware of her victories and superiority, and the servility of the German aristocracy only excited contempt and scorn, which the French gentlemen did not refrain from hurling into the faces of the humble solicitors. The greater the abjectness of the latter, the more overbearing the haughty demeanor of the former, and both gained the firm conviction that France held the happiness and quiet of Germany in her hands, and that France alone had the power to secure to the German princes the possession of their states, to enlarge their dominions, or to deprive them thereof, just as she pleased, and without paying any deference to the wishes of the Germans themselves.
To-day, however, all these distinguished men--the counts and barons of the empire, the bishops and other ecclesiastical dignitaries--had not appeared for the purpose of conquering the favor of the three French stars--to-day a new constellation had arisen on the sky of Rastadt, and they wanted to stare at it--they wanted to admire Bonaparte and Josephine.
But Bonaparte took hardly any notice of the crowd a.s.sembled in the anteroom. His hands folded on his back, he was pacing his room, and listening with rapt attention to the accounts the three French amba.s.sadors were giving him concerning the policy they had pursued up to the present time.
”We have done every thing in our power to spread republican notions hereabouts,” said Jean Debry, at the conclusion of his lengthy remarks.
”We have sent agents to all of these small German states for the purpose of enlightening the people about their dignity, their rights, and the disgrace of submitting to miserable princes, instead of being free and great under the wholesome influence of republican inst.i.tutions.”
”We have, moreover, even here, excellent spies among the amba.s.sadors,”
said Roberjot, ”and through them we have skilfully fanned the flames of that discord which seems to be the bane of Germany. It is true, they hold secret meetings every day in order to agree on a harmonious line of policy, but discord, jealousy, and covetousness always accompany them to those meetings, and they are therefore never able to agree about any thing. Besides, these German n.o.blemen are very talkative, hence we find out all their secrets, and it is an easy task for us to foil every scheme of theirs. Every one of them is anxious to enlarge his possessions; we therefore give them hopes of acquiring new territory at the expense of their neighbors, and thereby greatly increase the discord and confusion prevailing among them. We fill the amba.s.sadors of the secondary princes, and especially those of the ecclesiastical sovereigns, with distrust against the more powerful German states, and intimate to them that the latter are trying to aggrandize themselves at their expense, and that they have asked the consent of France to do so. We inform the first-cla.s.s governments of the desire of the smaller princes to enlarge their dominions, and caution them against placing implicit trust in their representations. Thus we sow the seeds of discord among these princely hirelings, and endeavor to undermine the thrones of Germany.”
”Germany must throw off all her princes like ripe ulcers,” exclaimed Bonnier, scornfully. ”These numerous thrones beyond the Rhine are dangerous and fatal to our sublime and indivisible French Republic--bad examples spoiling good manners. Every throne must disappear from the face of the earth, and freedom and equality must s.h.i.+ne throughout the whole world like the sun.”
”You are right,” said Bonaparte, gravely. ”It is our duty to disseminate our principles among these Germans, who are living in slavery as yet, and to a.s.sist the poor serfs in obtaining their liberty. Germany must become a confederate republic, and discord is the best sword wherewith to attack these princely hirelings. But what does the Swedish amba.s.sador--whose name I noticed on the list of applicants for interviews with myself--here among the representatives of the German princes?”
”He pretends to partic.i.p.ate in the congress of peace because Sweden warranted the execution of the treaty of Westphalia,” exclaimed Jean Debry, shrugging his shoulders.
”Bah! that is a most ridiculous pretext,” said Bonnier, gloomily. ”This M. Fersen is a royalist. The political part played by this diplomatist at the court of Louis Capet, and afterward continued by him, is only too well known. He now tries to dazzle us by his kindness merely for the purpose of laying a trap for the French Republic.”
”Ah, we shall show to the gentleman that the Republic has got an open eye and a firm hand, and that it discovers and tears all such meshes and traps,” said Bonaparte, impetuously. ”But we have done business enough for to-day, and I will go and receive the amba.s.sadors who have been waiting here for a long while in the ante-room.”
He saluted the three gentlemen with a familiar nod, and then repaired to the reception-room, the doors of which were opened at last to admit the German amba.s.sadors.
It was a brilliant crowd now entering in a solemn procession through the opened folding-doors. The amba.s.sadors of every German sovereign were in attendance; only the representatives of Austria and Prussia, whom Bonaparte had received already in a special audience, were absent.
This German peace delegation, which now entered the room to do homage to the French general, was a very large one. There were first the amba.s.sadors of Bavaria and Saxony, of Baden and Wurtemberg, of Hanover and Mecklenburg; then followed the host of the small princes and n.o.blemen, by whose side the ecclesiastical dignitaries, the representatives of the electors and bishops, were walking in. [Footnote: The whole German peace delegation consisted of seventy-nine persons, and all these seventy-nine distinguished men, the amba.s.sadors of emperor, kings, and princes, tried to gain the favor of the amba.s.sadors of France: and the three gentlemen, representing the great Republic, seemed more powerful and influential than all the representatives of Germany.]
Bonaparte stood proudly erect in the middle of the room, his gloomy glances inspecting the gentlemen, who now commenced stationing themselves on both sides of the apartment. A master of ceremonies, who had been previously selected for the meetings of the peace congress, now walked solemnly through the ranks and announced in a ringing voice the name, rank, and position of every amba.s.sador.
”His excellency Count Fersen,” he shouted just now, in a solemn manner, ”amba.s.sador of his majesty the King of Sweden and Duke of Pomerania.”
Count Fersen had not yet finished his ceremonious obeisance, When Bonaparte rapidly approached him.
”Just tell me, sir,” he exclaimed, bluntly; ”what is the name of the minister whom Sweden has now in Paris?”
Count Fersen looked in evident surprise and confusion at the pale face of the general, whose flaming eyes were fixed upon him with an angry expression.
”I do not know,” he faltered, ”I am not quite sure--”
”Ah, sir, you know only too well that Sweden has not yet given a successor to M. de Haill,” Bonaparte interrupted him violently, ”and that the only amba.s.sador whom she was willing to send had to be rejected by the Directory. You were this amba.s.sador whom the Directory would not tolerate in Paris. Friendly ties have united France and Sweden for a long series of years, and I believe Sweden ought to appreciate and recognize their importance at the present time more than ever. How, then, is the conduct of the court of Stockholm to be explained, that tries to make it its special business to send everywhere, either to Paris or wherever the plenipotentiaries of France may be seen, ministers and amba.s.sadors who must be peculiarly distasteful to every citizen of France?”
”That is certainly not the intention of my court,” exclaimed Count Fersen, hastily.
”That may be,” said Bonaparte, proudly, ”but I should like to know if the King of Sweden would remain indifferent in case a French amba.s.sador should try to instigate an insurrection of the people of Stockholm against him! The French Republic cannot permit men, whose connection with the old court of France is a matter of notoriety, to appear in official capacities, and thus to irritate and humble the republican amba.s.sadors, the representatives of the first nation on earth, who, before consulting her policy, knows how to maintain her dignity.”
”I shall immediately set out for Stockholm in order to communicate these views of the conqueror of Italy to my court,” said Count Fersen, pale with shame and mortification.
”Do so, set out at once,” exclaimed Bonaparte, impetuously, ”and tell your master, unless he should conclude to pursue a different policy, I will send him some day a skilful diplomatic Gascon who knows how to simplify the machine and make it go less rapidly. King Gustavus will perhaps find out, when it is too late, and at his own expense, that the reins of government must be firmly held in one hand, and the other skilfully wield the sword, while it is yet time. Go, sir, and inform your king of what I have told you!”
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