Part 61 (1/2)
In January, 1856, Governor Grimes wrote the call for the convention, which met at Iowa City on February 22d, which founded the republican party. In this convention there sat a number of Linn county persons who later became noted men in the party, and well known in the state.
The first presidential vote in Iowa was in the election in 1848, when Ca.s.s, the regular democratic nominee, received 12,083 votes, Taylor, whig, 11,084 votes, and Martin Van Buren, free soil democrat, 1,126 votes. In the election of 1852, which was quite exciting all over the country, and not least in Iowa, the popular votes for president were as follows: Franklin Pierce, democrat, 17,763, Winfield Scott, whig, 15,856, John P. Hale, free democracy, 1,704 votes. This vote would indicate that the democratic party still held the balance of power in the state, but the change in old party lines was apparent.
During the years up to 1856, a large number of pioneers had come into the state from Ohio, Pennsylvania, Illinois, and Michigan, as well as from the New England states, and bitter party feeling ran high. Many of the party leaders took the stump, and speeches were made in nearly all these settlements. Newspapers were established and an active campaign brought about. Politics was the topic of conversation at the country store, at the grist-mill, and at the country postoffices, and everyone felt that a change along party lines would be apparent. The vote in Iowa for president in 1856 was: John C. Fremont, republican, 43,954, James Buchanan, democrat, 36,170, Millard Fillmore, American party, 9,180. James W. Grimes, the candidate for governor on the Fremont ticket, was re-elected.
In this campaign the question of slavery was the main issue, and on this ground the newly organized republican party carried the day in Iowa. Iowa from this time was lost to the democrats, and they were unable to regain the lost ground by attempting to get away from the slavery issue. During the summer and fall of 1860 the campaign surpa.s.sed even the excitable campaign of four years previous. At the fall election Lincoln received 70,409 votes, S. A. Douglas, democrat, 55,111 votes, John Bell, 17,763 votes. J. C. Breckenridge, the regular democratic nominee, who aimed to carry slavery into the territory at any cost, received in this state only 1,048. The Douglas wing of the party ”aimed to throw the responsibility of the slavery question upon the supreme court or upon the territories, or anywhere else, except upon the democratic party.” Douglas had many admirers in this county, and he visited, in this campaign, Marion and Cedar Rapids, where people flocked to hear him, many of whom admired him, but there were few who could support his visionary schemes and many who doubted the outcome of his dubious platform. This year the republican state ticket received on an average a plurality of 13,670 votes. In this election the state had become one of the solid republican states, and has so continued. In the state campaign of 1861 S. J. Kirkwood carried the state in an exciting campaign over William H. Merritt, the regular democratic nominee. Mr.
Merritt had become a resident of this county, and hence received a large vote in his old home. Kirkwood had won over A. C. Dodge by a majority of 3,000 two years before, and was a popular candidate, a man of many strong traits of character. The Civil war was on and the people felt that they must sustain the policies of the party in power, and hence, perhaps, the popularity of the prospective candidates cut but little figure.
During one of these campaigns as Perry Oxley and Ambrose Harlan were seated discussing politics at the county seat one day, Harlan in his wrath accused Oxley of being a traitor to the government. This was too much for the irate Kentucky-born democrat, and he knocked Harlan down with a savage blow aimed at the fellow's head. There was a trial for a.s.sault and battery, to which Oxley pleaded guilty, and later Harlan brought an action for damages in the district court, which damages were paid pro-rata by the democrats over the county. Col. I. M. Preston defended Oxley and the outcome of the verdict in fact made the issues for the next campaign.
At commencement exercises at Mt. Vernon a general free-for-all fight occurred on account of some girls wearing copperhead pins. This matter also came into the courts, and county politics at least changed conditions, as party feelings ran high, and perhaps the ultimate motives of party politics were lost sight of, in these hand to hand contests waged near at home.
[Ill.u.s.tration: PUBLIC AND COMMERCIAL BUILDINGS IN CEDAR RAPIDS, 1910
St. Luke's Hospital Security Savings Bank Mercy Hospital Interior Library Masonic Temple Masonic Library and Annex Second Avenue Bridge High School Public Library]
During the early days Joel Leverich was a prominent political character in Linn county. He was called the ”Bogus c.o.o.n,” as it was claimed that he belonged to a gang of counterfeiters. However true that may he, no one knows, as he called himself a fellow who could make counterfeit money which would pa.s.s muster even in the land office. Leverich was a bright and intelligent person and wielded a great deal of influence as a sort of ward heeler before wards were organized in an early day, and it was frequently stated ”that as Joel Leverich went, so went the county.” Joel was not perhaps as interested in the political views of the candidates as he was in getting pay for his services and in having a promise of a pull with the officers if elected.
Bill Brody also wielded more or less influence in an early day in the county, and sometimes lined up with one party and sometimes with another. It was generally true, that if Leverich and his followers were all on one side, Brody and his companions would generally be opposed, and it was very seldom that both gangs were enlisted to work for the same political party in any one campaign.
At one time just preceding a county election, members of the two gangs met at the Joshua Glover saloon in Marion. All had been drinking, and it was not long until the street was full of people, there being fifteen to twenty on a side all engaged in a general free-for-all fight. No one tried to interfere, and blood flowed freely. While Bill Brody was the leader and perhaps the most active, his chum and follower, Barry Way, was the most powerful fighter, and is said to have cleaned out the entire gang and won the day. His political party was in power for a day at least.
While there was much disorder, and trouble arose on account of lack of enforcement of law and order, it would be apparent that if men were elected to office by the a.s.sistance and help of men of this type it was not surprising to hear that officials could not, or would not always carry out the provisions of the law. Ambrose Harlan, well known in an early day as a person who had nerve and considerable fight in him, came out as a candidate for sheriff on a platform all his own, claiming that ”he would catch horse thieves, and would even serve a warrant on Bill Brody himself, leader of the notorious gang,” referred to in these pages.
Harlan became an imaginary hero in the eyes of the people, and was elected by a large majority. For a long time after he had a.s.sumed the duties of his office there did not seem to be anything doing in his particular line. In fact the sheriff's office was the most deserted place at the county seat. It resembled a summer resort in winter time, and Harlan was about to resign for want of anything to do, for if there was anything Harlan loved it was a fight to a finish or a wordy contest with a political opponent. As sheriff there was nothing to do in either line, for people seemed for once to mind their own business.
At last, one morning a warrant was brought to the sheriff to be served on Brody, who had been charged with grand larceny of a team of horses.
Harlan's moment had come, and he prided himself on the fact that he would lodge Brody in jail before the next sun set. A few inquiries were made, and Brody was located in the Way cabin, some five or six miles east of Vinton. At Vinton Harlan organized a posse and started early next morning to catch the culprit before he would leave for the day.
They surrounded the cabin, Harlan fearing that the fellows had already escaped, but he ascertained that the smoke issuing from the cabin was only an indication that Mrs. Way was getting breakfast ready. He found Bill Brody and his chum Barry Way in bed. He was not long in making his errand known, and Brody replied. ”Do you want me naked or will you give me time to put on my duds?” To which Harlan replied that as it was still early and he had all day, he would wait till the fellows dressed.
The men took considerable time in arranging their morning toilet, saying to one another that it might be a long time before they would get back, and that the trial court could do nothing without their presence, so there was no hurry. Harlan sat on a home-made rickety chair in one corner of the room, with a gun in his left hand and a hickory stick in the other, watching the two culprits, and recalling the old refrain, ”Weep no mo' me lady,” as he watched the poor mother Way walking about the room with tears in her eyes, wondering what her wayward son had been up to this time. Harlan kept special watch on Way, who was the athlete, not fearing Brody, who was a small person. As Harlan looked out at the tiny window to detect a certain noise he heard, Brody, nimble as a cat, was at his side in an instant. He wrung the hickory sapling out of the sheriff's hands and struck him a savage blow on the head so that the Linn county official was ”dead to the world” for at least thirty minutes. The crowd outside were in hiding near a straw stack, and when they saw the two desperadoes come out of the cabin alone without any sheriff following, they took to their horses and rode away as fast as they could, never looking around till the town of Vinton was in sight.
When the sheriff realized what had happened, he was invited to breakfast by Mrs. Way, who said it might be a long time before her boarders would return. The sheriff would not accept the invitation, but asked instead for bandages for his head.
Harlan was asked on his return to the county seat, minus his prisoner, ”Why didn't you take Bill when you had him?” Harlan replied, ”How could I, when I had a gun in one hand and a hickory stick in the other, which he took away and rapped me over the head with, and when I came to my senses he wasn't there.”
It was needless to say, that at the next election no one cared to enter the race on a strictly horse thief catching platform.
One of the most remarkable political contests ever waged in the county was that of N. M. Hubbard and William Smythe for congress in 1868.
Hubbard had been a sort of political dictator since the organization of the republican party. He had held the office of county judge for a short time, and had been appointed attorney for the Northwestern railway, and for this reason was a powerful factor in financial as well as in political circles. Hubbard was quarrelsome, impertinent, and out-spoken, and used to say, that he ”loved a n.i.g.g.e.r more than he did a democrat.” In his aspirations for office he was backed by many friends and admirers, such as the Weares, Elys, Carrolls, and Higleys in Cedar Rapids, and by most of the prominent Marion men, such as the Herveys, the Daniels families, Captain Rathbun, Major Thompson, and Bob Holmes.
The people of Marion were bitter against Hubbard, especially R. D.
Stephens, who had been Hubbard's partner for some time, which partners.h.i.+p ended in a row, the last formal dissolution of the partners.h.i.+p being to the effect that Hubbard said to Stephens that ”he would not attend his funeral,” to which the partner replied, ”neither will I attend yours or ever darken your threshhold in any capacity.”
Stephens by this time was a financial factor in the county and had many friends. It was thought that he should make the run against Hubbard, who had removed to Cedar Rapids, but the leaders of this faction of the party thought that a candidate must be selected who had been in the war, and thus the opponents of Hubbard selected William Smythe, who was a brother-in-law of Stephens, as the logical candidate to make the race. Smythe was an Irishman who had been an officer in the Civil war; was an eminent lawyer, a most affable gentleman, who had made a reputation for himself as a conservative and safe political leader.
In this canva.s.s Smythe was also backed by Robert Smythe, an older brother, who had been in the legislature, and was favorably known throughout the county. Stephens was the financial backer and the organizer of the Smythe faction. He was far-sighted, wielded considerable political and social influence, and used his money freely in this campaign to get even with Hubbard, if for no other reason. In this fight Stephens enlisted the service of a number of prominent democrats who were unfriendly to Hubbard. Everyone expected that Hubbard would win hands down, and carry Cedar Rapids and many of the county precincts. Smythe enlisted in his cause such men as Colonel Preston, Dr. Thos. Bardwell, J. H. Preston, S. W. Durham, James Brown, and many other democrats who were on the inside of this movement to dethrone the republican county boss. Smythe carried Marion towns.h.i.+p much to the surprise of the local leaders who had thought up to that time that everything was c.o.c.ked and primed for Hubbard.
The county went about half and half; both parties, of course, had expected a small majority. When the officers were selected and a contest came up to a show of hands, the convention stood a tie. The old court house was filled to overflowing, and many wordy contests took place outside as well as inside of the old dingy court room.