Part 30 (1/2)
It was a critical time in the history of the franchise. Neither Lord Derby nor his followers liked Reform, but the workmen of England were at last set upon it, and Disraeli realized that only a party prepared to enlarge the franchise had any chance of power. Unlike his colleagues, he had no fear or dislike of the people. His imagination enabled him to foresee what hardly another statesman, Conservative or Radical, supposed possible, that the power of the Democracy might be increased without kindling in the people any desire to use it. He divined that the glamour which wealth and riches have for the majority of voters would make it easy to put a hook in the nose of Leviathan, and that the monster might be ultimately taken in tow by the Conservative party. His first move in the process of ”educating his party” was to offer the House a series of Resolutions upon the principles of representation. These were intended to foreshadow the nature of the Government's proposals and also to prepare their way. By this device he hoped to raise the Bill above party conflict, and to lead the more Conservative of his followers up a gently graduated slope of generalities till they found themselves committed to accepting a somewhat democratic measure. His plan was frustrated by the determination of the Opposition to force the Government to show their hand at once.
He consequently placed before his colleagues a measure which based the franchise on the occupation of houses rated at 5, coupled with several antidotes to the democratic tendencies of such a change in the shape of ”fancy franchises,” which gave votes to men of certain educational and financial qualifications. His proposals seem to have been accepted by the Cabinet with reluctant and hesitating approval. On examining more carefully the effects of the 5 franchise upon town const.i.tuencies Lord Cranborne (afterwards Lord Salisbury) retracted his previous a.s.sent, and Lord Carnarvon followed his lead.
On the very day that Lord Derby and Disraeli were pledged to define their measure they found themselves threatened with the resignation of two most important members of the Government. At a hasty Cabinet Council, held just before they were to speak, it was agreed, after about twenty minutes'
discussion, that the borough rental should be raised to 6. The Opposition, however, declared a 6 franchise to be still too high, and they were now backed by a considerable section of the Conservative party itself, who felt that when once they were committed to Reform it would at least be wise to introduce a measure likely to win them popularity as reformers. Lord Derby and Disraeli yielded to pressure from within their party, and Lord Cranborne, Lord Carnarvon, and General Peel resigned. The subsequent history of the Bill consisted in a series of surrenders on the part of Disraeli. All the clauses and qualifications which had originally modified its democratic character were dropped, and Gladstone succeeded in carrying nearly all the amendments his first speech upon the Bill had suggested.
When the Bill finally pa.s.sed Lord Salisbury described it as a measure based upon the principles of Bright and dictated by Gladstone; and what many Conservatives thought of Disraeli's conduct is reflected in the speeches of their ally Lowe: ”Never, never was tergiversation so complete. Such conduct may fail or not; it may lead to the retention or loss of office; but it merits alike the contempt of all honest men and the execration of posterity.” [64] Gladstone, writing to Dr. Pusey at the end of the year, said: ”We have been pa.s.sing through a strange, eventful year: a deplorable one, I think, for the character and conduct of the House of Commons; but yet one of promise for the country, though of a promise not unmixed with evils.” The feeling of romantic Tories in the country is expressed in Coventry Patmore's poem ”1867,” which begins:
In the year of the great crime, When the false English n.o.bles and their Jew, By G.o.d demented, slew The Trust they stood twice pledged to keep from wrong.
[64] Morley's ”Life of Gladstone,” vol. ii, p. 235.
The last and longest struggle took place over the compound householder. On May 17th Mr. Hodgkinson proposed and carried an amendment that in a Parliamentary borough only the occupier should be rated, thus basing, in effect, the franchise upon household suffrage, and forcing upon Disraeli a principle which he had begun by announcing he would never accept. To make the following letters intelligible it is only necessary to add that in 1866 Lord Amberley had been returned to Parliament as Radical member for Nottingham:
_Lord Russell to Lady Georgiana Russell_ [65]
PEMBROKE LODGE, _January_ 22, 1867
MY DEAREST GEORGY,--I have been very negligent in not writing to you before, as I meant to do, but laziness after exertion is very pleasant. My exertion was not small, as, besides speaking at the beginning of the evening, I sate up for the division, and did not get home till near four in the morning. The triumph was very great; Derby and Cairns and the foolish and wicked Tories were beat, and the wise and honest Tories, like Salisbury and Carnarvon, helped the Liberals to defeat them.... We shall have a great fight in Committee; but I still trust in a reasonable majority for not pus.h.i.+ng amendments too far, and then the Bill will be a great triumph of sense over nonsense.... We had d.i.c.kens Sat.u.r.day and Sunday--very agreeable and amiable....
Your affectionate father, R.
[65] This letter ought to be dated July 22, 1869, and addressed to Lady Georgiana Peel. It refers to the debate on the Irish Church Bill.
_Lady Russell to Mr. Rollo Russell_
37 CHESHAM PLACE, BELGRAVE SQUARE, S.W.,
_February 21, 1867_
... Your Papa and I dined yesterday with Lord and Lady Cork. I heard some funny stories of Mrs. Lowe.... Here's the best. Mr. Lowe was talking of the marriage service, of the absurdity of making everybody say, ”With all my worldly goods I thee endow”--”For instance, I had not a penny.” _Mrs. L_.: ”Oh, but Robert, you had your brains!” _Mr. L. (sharply)_: ”I'm sure I didn't endow you with _them_.” Very funny; but very cruel, too, in answer to what was meant so affectionately.... Now, I must get ready to walk with your Papa. He keeps well and strong, in spite of the cloudy political atmosphere (hazy, perhaps, rather than cloudy)--n.o.body thinking or feeling anything clearly or warmly, except him and Gladstone and a score or two of others. He feels that the Government has so discredited itself and the Tory party generally, that the Whig party might be in a capital position if it chose. But the general indifference of Whig M.P.'s to Reform, and their selfish fear of dissolution, come in the way of public spirit and combined action.
Your Papa is writing to Mr. Gladstone, from whom he has just received an account of the debate. Disraeli's clever and artful speech appears to have had more effect on the House (and even on our side of it) than is creditable.... Johnny has made a very good impression--so we hear from Mr. Brand, Hastings, [66] Mr.
Huguesson, and Gladstone--by his maiden speech. All these, except Gladstone, heard it, and concur in warm praise, both of matter and manner. It is a great event in his life, and I am so thankful it is well over.
[66] Afterwards Duke of Bedford.
_Lord Russell to Lady Minto_
LONDON, _May 21_, 1867
MY DEAR NINA,--As you have been so much bothered with the compound householder, you will be glad to learn that he is dead and is to be buried on Thursday. It was supposed he was the last and best product of civilization; but it has been found out that he was a son of Old Nick, and a valiant knight of the name of Hodgkinson has run him through the body.
The Duke of Buccleuch, with whom f.a.n.n.y and I have been having luncheon, says that Dizzy is like a clever conjuror. ”Is that the card you wished for, sir?-and is that yours, and yours, and yours?”
But politics are rather disgusting than otherwise. ... f.a.n.n.y and I went yesterday to see the Queen lay the first stone of the Hall of Science and Art. [67] It was a grand sight--great respect, but no enthusiasm, nor occasion for it.
Lotty is going to give us dinner to-morrow. I call her and Mary, L'Allegra e la Penserosa. _f.a.n.n.y_: ”And what am I?” ”L'Allegra e Penserosa.” I have no more nonsense to tell you. I should like to go to Paris in July or August, but can we? Let me know when you will be there.
Your faithful