Part 4 (2/2)
While Canning and Monroe acted independently of each other, the expression that each gave to the views of his government was rendered more emphatic and of more effect by the knowledge of the other's att.i.tude in the matter. Another point to be noted is that Monroe's message was made public, while Canning's answer was for some time known only to the diplomatic corps.
The determination of both England and the United States to oppose the intervention of the allies in South America had the desired effect.
Conferences in answer to the invitation of Spain were held in Paris, but they were partic.i.p.ated in only by the ordinary representatives of the powers invited, resident in that capital, and their only result was to advise Spain not to listen to the counsels of England.
All further discussion that took place between England and Spain in reference to recognition of the colonies by Great Britain was confined to the status of the revolutionary governments, and upon this point their views were so divergent that Canning finally announced to the Spanish government that, ”His Majesty would, at his own time, take such steps as he might think proper in respect to the several states of Spanish America without further reference to the court of Madrid; but at the same time without any feeling of alienation towards that court, or of hostility towards the real interests of Spain.”[72]
The French troops continuing to occupy Spain after the time stipulated by treaty, Canning sought an explanation from France, but without satisfactory results. He therefore determined at a cabinet meeting held December 14, 1824, to recognize Mexico and Colombia forthwith. On January 1, 1825, after the ministers had left England with instructions and full powers, the fact of recognition was communicated officially to the diplomatic corps and two days later it was made public. That this recognition was a retaliatory measure to compensate England for the French occupation of Spain was understood at the time and was distinctly avowed by Canning two years later.[73] In a speech delivered December 12, 1826, in defense of his position in not having arrested the French invasion of Spain, he said:
I looked another way--I sought for compensation in another hemisphere. Contemplating Spain, such as our ancestors had known her, I resolved that, if France had Spain, it should not be Spain _with the Indies_. I called the New World into existence to redress the balance of the Old.
In spite of the great indebtedness of South America to Canning, this boast falls somewhat flat when we remember that the Spanish colonies had won their independence by their own valor and had been recognized as independent governments by the United States two years before Great Britain acted in the matter.
Mr. Stapleton, Canning's private secretary and biographer, says that the recognition of Spanish-American independence was, perhaps, the most important measure adopted by the British cabinet while Canning was at the head of the foreign office. He sums up the reasons and results of the act as follows:
First, it was a measure essentially advantageous to British interests; being especially calculated to benefit our commerce. Next, it enabled this country to remain at peace, since it compensated us for the continued occupation of Spain by a French force, a disparagement to which, otherwise, it would not have become us to submit. Lastly, it maintained the balance between conflicting principles; since it gave just so much of a triumph to popular rights and privileges, as was sufficient to soothe the irritation felt by their advocates at the victory, which absolute principles had obtained by the overthrow of the const.i.tutions of Spain, Portugal, and Naples; and it dealt a death-blow to the Holy Alliance, by disabusing its members of the strange fancy, with which they were prepossessed, that the differences between them and the British ministers (where they did differ) were merely feints on the part of the latter to avoid a conflict with public opinion.[74]
The United States government did not relax its efforts in behalf of the South American states with the recognition of England, but continued to exert itself in order to secure the acknowledgment of their independence by the other powers of Europe, particularly Spain.[75] Mr. Clay tried to get the other members of the alliance, especially the emperor of Russia, to use their good offices with Spain for the purpose of inducing her to recognize her late colonies, but the emperor of Russia, the head of the alliance, continued to preach to Spain ”not only no recognition of their independence, but active war for their subjugation.” To the request of the United States he replied that, out of respect for ”the indisputable t.i.tles of sovereignty,” he could not prejudge or antic.i.p.ate the determination of the king of Spain.[76] It was some ten years before Spain could be persuaded to renounce her ancient claims.
FOOTNOTES:
[37] Am. St. Papers, For. Rel., Vol. III, p. 538.
[38] Wharton's Digest, Sec. 69, and Moore's Digest of Int. Law, Vol. I, p. 177.
[39] ”Messages and Papers of the Presidents,” Vol. II, pp. 13, 58, and 116.
[40] Lyman, ”Diplomacy of the United States.” 2 Vols. Boston, 1828, Vol.
II, p. 432. Romero, ”Mexico and the United States.”
[41] Given in full in Am. St. Papers, For. Rel., Vol. IV, pp. 217-270.
[42] Am. St. Papers, For. Rel., Vol. IV, pp. 818-851.
[43] Benton's ”Abridgment,” Vol. VI, p. 139.
[44] Benton's ”Abridgment,” Vol. VI, p. 142.
[45] ”Messages and Papers of the Presidents,” Vol. II, p. 44.
[46] ”Adams's Diary,” September, 1817, to December, 1818. ”Letters and Despatches of Castlereagh,” Vol. XI, pp. 404 and 458.
[47] Stapleton, ”Political Life of Canning,” Vol. II, p. 10.
[48] Stapleton, ”Official Correspondence of Canning,” Vol. I, p. 48 ff.
[49] Bagot to Castlereagh, October 31, 1818. Mem. of a Conversation with Adams. ”Letters and Despatches of Castlereagh,” Vol. XII, p. 66.
[50] For the Congresses of Aix-la-Chapelle, Troppau, Laybach, and Verona, see ”Letters and Despatches of Castlereagh,” Vol. XII; ”Life of Lord Liverpool,” Vol. III; ”Political Life and Official Correspondence of Canning”; Chateaubriand's ”Congres de Verone,” and W. A. Phillips, ”The Confederation of Europe. 1813-1823.” The text of the treaty of Verona is published in Niles' Register, August 2, 1823, Vol. 24, p. 347, and in Elliot's ”American Diplomatic Code,” Vol. II, p. 179.
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