Chapter 1160: Colony deal (1/2)
There is no reason to take back the spilled water. In particular, such a major event as the replacement of the throne is not a joke.
Now that the decision was made, regardless of how others persuaded, Franz was not prepared to change his mind.
Any profession will get tired after a long time, and the emperor is no exception. Power is tempting, but after more than 50 years of continuous power, Franz has long lost his original passion.
Looking at the performance of the past ten years, we will know that a large amount of government affairs have been pushed to Frederick, which is called ”the crown prince's political ability”, which is actually for laziness.
No matter how lazy, the emperor is still the emperor and needs to be responsible for this country. Franz doesn't need to deal with specific matters, but he still needs to formulate the country's long-term development and strategic diplomacy.
In fact, Franz didn't want to do it a long time ago. People in their 70s or 80s who are still struggling in their posts are simply model workers.
Mainly because of the previous competition, the international situation is uncertain, Franz is not sure whether Frederick can hold it.
Now that the dust has settled, the era of conquering the world is over, the Holy Roman Empire has become a general trend, and the requirements for the individual abilities of the monarch have been greatly reduced.
As a giant, the fault tolerance rate of the Holy Roman Empire is still very high. As long as you don't mess around and go on step by step, the dominance can last at least a hundred years.
Franz was old and Frederick was not too young. He was fifty years old, and he had already passed the age of tossing.
What's more, I have been honed by Franz for more than 20 years. I have seen all of them in politics, and the edges and corners have been polished. As a master of preservation, it is just right.
Resignation does not mean that you can retreat. The transfer of power also requires a process.
Before that, Franz had to deal with some troubles, so that Frederick was not ashamed as soon as he succeeded.
For example: the division of states.
Regardless of the fact that Shenluo currently occupies a lot of territory, the central government can no longer rule, but there are still many who oppose the split.
Not everyone can see that the colonial system will collapse. In the eyes of most people, colonial rule is still the easiest way.
Anyway, it's been this way before, and there is nothing wrong with continuing.
Including the previous process of localization in Africa, if it weren't for Franz's forceful implementation, it would simply not pass.
Everyone opposes localization, mainly because the cost of governance will rise sharply, and the unscrupulous looting of wealth cannot continue.
However, localization can increase the power of the central government and at the same time increase the political discourse power of the nobles. Capitalists are mainly opposed to it, and it is not difficult to implement it.
It is not the same to divide the state.
In essence, the establishment of foreign states has benefited the most from the royal family and overseas fiefdoms, followed by local immigrants.
For the central government, this is unfriendly. It seems that the country has not left the empire, but the meat is still in the pot.
However, the states have a lot of autonomy, which directly divides the power of the central government and affects the interests of the bureaucracy.
When it comes to self-interest, contention is inevitable. In the face of strong Franz, even if these guys want to make trouble, they will think twice, and it is not necessarily when it changes to Frederick.
Human nature cannot stand the test. Franz doesn't think that every bureaucrat below is a loyal and filial son.
In many cases, the opposition does not require specific actions, as long as you can't do what you are doing. When it comes to the ability to hold back, all bureaucrats are equally professional.
In Franz's view, the vassal power and the monarchy are both complementary and mutually opposed.
No monarch likes a strong minister, and no minister likes a strong monarch.
A little unscrupulous thought: The emperor is so capable, what else does the minister do?
In the era of Franz, the emperor was too strong, even if everyone had an idea, he could only hold it in his heart.
It's hard to say after changing Frederick's position. If one is not handled properly, it will hurt the prestige of the monarch.
Nicholas II is a ready-made negative textbook. The bureaucrats of the Vienna government may not be so bold, but it is still very possible to take the opportunity to engage in a war.
If the new emperor succeeds to the throne, the first major event will be messed up, and there will be no hope of prestige before the ministers.
From this point of view, the ancients' saying that ”the way of the father has not changed in three years” is quite reasonable.
”Doing more makes mistakes, doing less makes mistakes, and not doing it is good.”
With a three-year buffer period, the political situation has stabilized, the prestige of the monarch has risen, and it is much easier to do things.
Throwing daily government affairs to Frederick, Franz drew a circle with the map of Shinra. Entrustment is never easy, and the issues that need to be considered are numerous.
It is not only necessary to consider politics, economy, and strategy, but also the local humanities and social background, as well as the personal abilities and wishes of the recipients.
They are all from his own family, and Franz doesn't want to make trouble because of this problem. It is impossible for a bowl of water to be flat, and the country is destined to be fat or thin.
...
With the end of the World War, Lisbon once again resumed its former prosperity. Only the remaining damaged buildings tell the world that it has just experienced a civil war.
There is no doubt that the Portuguese Republicans were miserable by the Revolutionary Party. Because of the ”rebellion,” the Allied forces were directly cleaned up.
The reality is such a comedy. For a long time, Carlos I was subject to domestic interest groups, unable to control state power according to his own will.