Volume Iii Part 39 (1/2)
BUCKINGHAM'S POLITICAL COQUETRY WITH THE PURITANS.
Buckingham, observes Hume, ”in order to fortify himself against the resentment of James”--on the conduct of the duke in the Spanish match, when James was latterly hearing every day Buckingham against Bristol, and Bristol against Buckingham--”had affected popularity, and entered into the cabals of the puritans; but afterwards, being secure of the confidence of Charles, he had since abandoned this party; and on that account was the more exposed to their hatred and resentment.”
The political coquetry of a minister coalescing with an opposition party, when he was on the point of being disgraced, would doubtless open an involved scene of intrigue; and what one exacted, and the other was content to yield, towards the mutual accommodation, might add one more example to the large chapter of political infirmity. Both workmen attempting to convert each other into tools, by first trying their respective malleability on the anvil, are liable to be disconcerted by even a slight accident, whenever that proves, to perfect conviction, how little they can depend on each other, and that each party comes to cheat, and not to be cheated!
This piece of secret history is in part recoverable from good authority. The two great actors were the Duke of Buckingham and Dr.
Preston, the master of Emmanual College, and the head of the puritan party.
Dr. Preston was an eminent character, who from his youth was not without ambition. His scholastic learning, the subtilty of his genius, and his more elegant accomplishments, had attracted the notice of James, at whose table he was perhaps more than once honoured as a guest; a suspicion of his puritanic principles was perhaps the only obstacle to his court preferment; yet Preston unquestionably designed to play a political part. He retained the favour of James by the king's hope of withdrawing the doctor from the opposition party, and commanded the favour of Buckingham by the fears of that minister; when, to employ the quaint style of Hacket, the duke foresaw that ”he might come to be tried in the furnace of the next sessions of parliament, and he had need to make the refiners his friends:” most of these ”refiners” were the puritanic or opposition party. Appointed one of the chaplains of Prince Charles, Dr. Preston had the advantage of being in frequent attendance; and as Hacket tells us, ”this politic man felt the pulse of the court, and wanted not the intelligence of all dark mysteries through the Scotch in his highness's bed-chamber.” A close communication took place between the duke and Preston, who, as Hacket describes, was ”a good crow to smell carrion.” He obtained an easy admission to the duke's closet at least thrice a week, and their notable conferences Buckingham appears to have communicated to his confidential friends. Preston, intent on carrying all his points, skilfully commenced with the smaller ones. He winded the duke circuitously,--he worked at him subterraneously. This wary politician was too sagacious to propose what he had at heart--the extirpation of the hierarchy! The thunder of James's voice, ”No bishop!
no king!” in the conference at Hampton Court, still echoed in the ear of the puritan. He a.s.sured the duke that the love of the people was his only anchor, which could only be secured by the most popular measures. A new sort of reformation was easy to execute. Cathedrals and collegiate churches maintained by vast wealth, and the lands of the chapter, only fed ”fat, lazy, and unprofitable drones.” The dissolution of the foundations of deans and chapters would open an ample source to pay the king's debts, and scatter the streams of patronage. ”You would then become the darling of the commonwealth;” I give the words as I find them in Hacket. ”If a crumb stick in the throat of any considerable man that attempts an opposition, it will be easy to wash it down with manors, woods, royalties, tythes, &c.” It would be furnis.h.i.+ng the wants of a number of gentlemen; and he quoted a Greek proverb, ”that when a great oak falls, every neighbour may scuffle for a f.a.ggot.”
Dr. Preston was willing to perform the part which Knox had acted in Scotland! He might have been certain of a party to maintain this national violation of property; for he who calls out ”Plunder!” will ever find a gang. These acts of national injustice, so much desired by revolutionists, are never beneficial to the people; they never partake of the spoliation, and the whole terminates in the gratification of private rapacity.
It was not, however, easy to obtain such perpetual access to the minister, and at the same time escape from the watchful. Archbishop Williams, the lord keeper, got sufficient hints from the king; and in a tedious conference with the duke, he wished to convince him that Preston had only offered him ”flitten milk, out of which he should churn nothing!” The duke was, however, smitten by the new project, and made a remarkable answer: ”You lose yourself in generalities: make it out to me, in particular, if you can, that the motion you pick at will find repulse, and be baffled in the House of Commons. I know not how you bishops may struggle, but I am much deluded if a great part of the knights and burgesses would not be glad to see this alteration.” We are told on this, that Archbishop Williams took out a list of the members of the House of Commons, and convinced the minister that an overwhelming majority would oppose this projected revolution, and that in consequence the duke gave it up.
But this anterior decision of the duke may be doubtful, since Preston still retained the high favour of the minister, after the death of James. When James died at Theobalds, where Dr. Preston happened to be in attendance, he had the honour of returning to town in the new king's coach with the Duke of Buckingham. The doctor's servile adulation of the minister gave even great offence to the over-zealous puritans. That he was at length discarded is certain; but this was owing not to any deficient subserviency on the side of our politician, but to one of those unlucky circ.u.mstances which have often put an end to temporary political connexions, by enabling one party to discover what the other thinks of him.
I draw this curious fact from a ma.n.u.script narrative in the handwriting of the learned William Wotton. When the puritanic party foolishly became jealous of the man who seemed to be working at root and branch for their purposes, they addressed a letter to Preston, remonstrating with him for his servile attachment to the minister; on which he confidently returned an answer, a.s.suring them that he was as fully convinced of the vileness and profligacy of the Duke of Buckingham's character as any man could be, but that there was no way to come at him but by the lowest flattery, and that it was necessary for the glory of G.o.d that such instruments should be made use of as could be had; and for that reason, and that alone, he showed that respect to the reigning favourite, and not for any real honour that he had for him. This letter proved fatal; some officious hand conveyed it to the duke! When Preston came, as usual, the duke took his opportunity of asking him what he had ever done to disoblige him, that he should describe him in such black characters to his own party? Preston, in amazement, denied the fact, and poured forth professions of honour and grat.i.tude. The duke showed him his own letter.
Dr. Preston instantaneously felt a political apoplexy; the labours of some years were lost in a single morning. The baffled politician was turned out of Wallingford House, never more to see the enraged minister!
And from that moment Buckingham wholly abandoned the puritans, and cultivated the friends.h.i.+p of Laud. This happened soon after James the First's death. Wotton adds, ”This story I had from one who was extremely well versed in the secret history of the time.”[284]
FOOTNOTE:
[284] Wotton delivered this memorandum to the literary antiquary, Thomas Baker; and Kennet transcribed it in his Ma.n.u.script Collections. Lansdowne MSS. No. 932-88. The life of Dr. Preston, in Chalmers's Biographical Dictionary, may be consulted with advantage.
SIR EDWARD c.o.kE'S EXCEPTIONS AGAINST THE HIGH SHERIFF'S OATH.
A curious fact will show the revolutionary nature of human events, and the necessity of correcting our ancient statutes, which so frequently hold out punishments and penalties for objects which have long ceased to be criminal; as well as for persons against whom it would be barbarous to allow some unrepealed statute to operate.
When a political stratagem was practised by Charles the First to keep certain members out of the House of Commons, by p.r.i.c.king them down as sheriffs in their different counties, among them was the celebrated Sir Edward c.o.ke, whom the government had made High Sheriff for Bucks. It was necessary, perhaps, to be a learned and practised lawyer to discover the means he took, in the height of his resentment, to elude the insult.
This great lawyer, who himself, perhaps, had often administered the oath to the sheriffs, which had, century after century, been usual for them to take, to the surprise of all persons drew up Exceptions against the Sheriff's Oath, declaring that no one could take it. c.o.ke sent his Exceptions to the attorney-general, who, by an immediate order in council, submitted them to ”all the judges of England.” Our legal luminary had condescended only to some ingenious cavilling in three of his exceptions; but the fourth was of a nature which could not be overcome. All the judges of England a.s.sented, and declared, that there was one part of this ancient oath which was perfectly irreligious, and must ever hereafter be left out! This article was, ”That you shall do all your pain and diligence to destroy and make to cease all manner of heresies, commonly called _Lollaries_, within your bailiwick, &c.”[285]
The Lollards were the most ancient of protestants, and had practised Luther's sentiments; it was, in fact, condemning the established religion of the country! An order was issued from Hampton Court, for the abrogation of this part of the oath; and at present all high sheriffs owe this obligation to the resentment of Sir Edward c.o.ke, for having been p.r.i.c.ked down as Sheriff of Bucks, to be kept out of parliament! The merit of having the oath changed, _instanter_, he was allowed; but he was not excused taking it, after it was accommodated to the conscientious and lynx-eyed detection of our enraged lawyer.
FOOTNOTE:
[285] Rushworth's Historical Collections, vol. i. p. 199.
SECRET HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST AND HIS FIRST PARLIAMENTS.
The reign of Charles the First, succeeded by the Commonwealth of England, forms a period unparalleled by any preceding one in the annals of mankind. It was for the English nation the great result of all former attempts to ascertain and to secure the just freedom of the subject. The prerogative of the sovereign and the rights of the people were often imagined to be mutual encroachments, and were long involved in contradiction, in an age of unsettled opinions and disputed principles.
At length the conflicting parties of monarchy and democracy, in the weakness of their pa.s.sions, discovered how much each required the other for its protector. This age offers the finest speculations in human nature; it opens a protracted scene of glory and of infamy; all that elevates, and all that humiliates our kind, wrestling together, and expiring in a career of glorious deeds, of revolting crimes, and even of ludicrous infirmities!