Part 28 (2/2)
provided that he could effect ”a handsome conjuncture,” _i.e._ an honourable arrangement, {279} with Modena.[49] This done, he joined the King at Frankfort, whence we find Ormonde writing to Hyde: ”When to-morrow we have been to a Lutheran service, and on Monday have seen the fair, I know not how we shall contrive divertiss.e.m.e.nts for a longer time, unless Prince Rupert, who is coming, find them.”[50]
Whether Rupert found them or not is unrecorded, but he certainly made friends with the King, in whose company he remained until October.
Charles had still some hopes of the Scots, and it was rumoured that Rupert endeavoured to win the Presbyterians by stating--with perfect truth--that he had been bred a Calvinist.[51] It was said also that he had countenanced the plot of 1654 for Cromwell's a.s.sa.s.sination, and had even introduced the author of it to the King. Whether the accusation be true or false it is hard to say.[52] The only allusion to the plot found in the Prince's own correspondence is in a letter written from Heidelberg, which narrates the fate of the conspirators; ”the Diurnal says Jack Gerard is beheaded, and another hanged, and that the Portugal amba.s.sador's brother was beheaded at the same time, and another English gentleman hanged about that business, but says little of any design. I have not yet received one line, so I cannot give your Highness any further account.”[53] This letter may, or may not imply a previous acquaintance with the design. It certainly a.s.sumes that Rupert knew all about it, but the affair was then public property. Still there is nothing absolutely impossible in the Prince's complicity. Cromwell was regarded by the Royalists at that {280} time, as a being almost beyond the pale of humanity. He was ”the beast whom all the Kings of the earth do wors.h.i.+p;”[54] and, though Rupert's known words and actions fit ill with a.s.sa.s.sination plots, it may be that the crime of murder looked less black to him when the intended victim happened to be the English Lord Protector.
In October 1655, the Prince was suddenly called away to Vienna, where he seems to have acted as Charles II's informal amba.s.sador. The rumours as to his intended actions were many and various. At one time he was expected to command the Dutch fleet against the fleet of the Commonwealth, some said that he would take service with the Swedes, others that he would adhere to the Emperor.[55] But his real intention was, as we know, to serve his cousin, and Cromwell, evidently convinced of this, deputed the traitor Bampfylde to watch the Prince's movements.
Concerning this same Bampfylde there is a rather amusing correspondence extant. Jermyn, on whom he had successfully imposed, recommended him to Rupert's patronage, as a man ”suffering and persecuted” for his loyalty.[56] Rupert referred the matter to the King, who expressed himself ”astonished” at Jermyn's letter, saying that he had already warned him of Bampfylde's treachery.[57] Bampfylde, in his turn, wrote to Cromwell, begging to be sent into Germany; ”for I know the Duke of Brandenburg, the Prince Elector and Prince Rupert, and could give you no ill information. I would conceal my correspondence with you, and only pretend that I wished to see Germany and to seek employment in the wars there.”[58] And when Cromwell had granted his desire, the spy found that he had walked into the clutches of Rupert, who was fully {281} aware of his intended treachery. ”I have obeyed to the utmost your commands about Colonel Bampfylde,” wrote the Prince to the King.
”You will receive particulars from your factor, Sir William Curtius, and from the Elector of Mayence. No impartial merchants being present, we could do no more, and could not have done so much, had not Bampfylde consented to a submission in this Imperial town. I will obey any further commands you may send me, in these parts.”[59]
Rupert's loyalty was, in spite of everything, inextinguishable, and the tone which he now a.s.sumed towards his young cousin was singularly deferential. ”Wyndham writes to my servant, Valentine Pyne, conjuring him to come with all possible speed to the King,” he wrote, in 1658, to Nicholas. ”I owe my person, and any of mine to his service; but represent to him that it would be a great obligation if Pyne could stay with me, till there be some great business in hand. Meantime he can study things in these parts, fit to use for some good design.”[60]
Even his advice was couched in an apologetic form. Thus he advised against attempting a Spanish alliance in 1656: ”Sir, I received your Majesty's of the 16th of December, but at my arrival at this place.
With great greefe I understand the continuation of the news that was whispered at Vienna, before my departure, of the Spaniards tampering for a peace with Cromwell. Yet I am so confident that they will come off it, that I wish the King of England would not be too hasty in offering himself to Spain. If the business between them and England break, they will be sure to take the King of England by the hand; if not, all will be vain. I humbly beseech Your Majesty to pardon this boldness, which proceeds from a very faithful heart to serve Your Majesty.”[61]
{282}
This humble submission is indeed a contrast to the ”insolence”
described by Hyde. Possibly the increased deference corresponds to a decrease of friends.h.i.+p. What Rupert could do for Charles's service he would do; but, though they were reconciled and, to all appearance, on excellent terms, it is probable that the intimate friends.h.i.+p which had existed between them, previous to their quarrel in 1653-4, was never fully restored. Rupert was no longer the elder cousin, but the faithful servant, and he evidently meant to mark his change of position. In the early years of the Civil Wars, he had exercised a paramount influence over Charles, but his three years' absence had lost that for ever. With James he retained his influence longer. We find him expressing ”astonishment” at the contents of a letter written by the younger of his royal cousins, and James meekly replying that he does not remember what he said, but is sure he did not mean it. ”Je parlai a son Altesse (James) de l'etonnement qu'avait la votre de ce qu'elle avait reconnu en sa derniere lettre; qu'il me dit ne se point ressouvenir ni avoir fait a dessein; au contraire, qu'il fera toujours son possible pour la service et contentement de Votre Altesse, a laquelle il me dit vouloir en ecrire pour s'en excuser.”[62] In the differences between the Stuart brothers Rupert seems to have sympathised with James. ”My G.o.dson (James) I am sure will take very well what you have answered for him,” wrote his mother to the Prince; ”I am extremely glad you did it.”[63]
[1] Warburton, III. p. 418. Charles II to Rupert, Mar. 22, 1653.
[2] Ibid. p. 419. Hyde to Rupert. No date.
[3] Warburton, III. p. 390. Jermyn to R., Feb. 6, 1653.
[4] Rupert Transcripts. -- to Rupert, 1653.
[5] Clar. State Papers, 1089. Hyde to Nicholas, Apr. 18, 1653.
[6] Cartwright. Madame: A Life of Henrietta of Orleans, p. 359.
[7] Warburton, III. p. 420.
[8] Ibid. p. 454.
[9] Memoir of Prince Rupert, ed. 1683, p. 35.
[10] Evelyn, IV. 282. He was supposed to have cured Jermyn of a fever, with a charm. ”His Highness, it seems, has learnt some magic in the remote islands.”
[11] Whitelocke, p. 556.
[12] Clar. State Papers. Hyde to Nicholas, 25 Apr. 1653. Printed Vol.
II, p. 163.
[13] Cartwright. Madame: d.u.c.h.ess of Orleans, p. 50.
[14] Evelyn, IV. 282, _note_. Thurloe, I. 306.
[15] Thurloe State Papers, II. 186. 1 April, 1654.
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