Volume IV Part 27 (1/2)

ARTICLE, UNSIGNED.

[Boston Gazette, April 16, 1781; a draft is in the Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.1]

Extract of a Letter from the Southward.

”BEFORE this will reach you, your Countrymen will have finished the important business of electing their Legislators, Magistrates and Governors for the ensuing year. I hope they have made a wise choice. At least, from the opinion I entertain of their virtue, I am persuaded they have acted with all that deliberation and caution which the solemnity of the transaction required. They may then reflect, each one on his own integrity, and appeal to the Monitor within his breast, that he has not trifled with the sacred trust reposed in him by G.o.d and his country--that he has not prost.i.tuted his honor and conscience to please a friend or a patron --that he has not been influenced with the view of private emolument to himself and his family, but has faithfully given his vote for the candidate whom he thought most worthy the choice of free and virtuous citizens--I congratulate that Legislator, Magistrate & Governor, who knows that neither smiles, entreaties, gifts, dissimulation, intrigue, nor any base and dishonorable practices have procured him this exalted station. His fellow citizens, unsollicited by him, have called him into their service, from the opinion they have formed of his integrity and adequate abilities.--He feels himself happy in their opinion of him--happy is he indeed, if he is conscious he deserves it.

But our countrymen will not imagine, that having filled the several departments of government, they have no further concern about it. It is, I humbly conceive, their duty and interest to attend to the manner in which it is administered by those whom they have entrusted. HOW often has the finis.h.i.+ng stroke been given to public virtue, by those who possessed, or seemed to possess many amiable virtues? GUSTAVUS VASA was viewed by the Swedes as the deliverer of their country from the Danish yoke. The most implicit obedience, says the historian, was considered by them as a debt of grat.i.tude, and a virtue. He had many excellent qualities. His manners were conciliating--His courage and abilities great--But the people by an entire confidence in him suffered him to lay a foundation for absolute monarchy. They were charmed with his moderation and wisdom, qualities which he really possessed; but they did not consider his ambition, nor had they a thought of his views. They found peace restored, order established, justice administered, commerce protected, and the arts and sciences encouraged, and they looked no further. They did not imagine, that he who had been the instrument of recovering the independence of their country, could be the very man who was to effect the ruin of their liberties. By the Const.i.tution of Sweden their kings were elective, and the powers of the crown were exceedingly limited. The unsuspecting people even voluntarily gave up their right of election, and suffered Gustavus to enlarge the powers of the crown, and entail it in his own family! This is the account which the history of Sweden has given us; and it affords an instance among a thousand others, of the folly and danger of trusting even good men with power, without regarding the use they make of it. Power is in its nature incroaching; and such is the human make, that men who are vested with a share of it, are generally inclined to take more than it was intended they should have. The love of power, like the love of money, increases with the possession of it; and we know, in what ruin these baneful pa.s.sions have involved human societies in all ages, when they have been let loose and suffered to rage uncontrouled-- There is no restraint like the pervading eye of the virtuous citizens.--I hope therefore our countrymen will constantly exercise that right which the meanest of them is int.i.tled to, and which is particularly secured to them by our happy const.i.tution, of inquiring freely, but decently, into the conduct of the public servants. The very being of the Commonwealth may depend upon it. I will venture to appeal to the experience of ancient Republicks, to evince the necessity of it; and it is never more necessary than in the infancy of a Commonwealth, and when the people have chosen honest men to conduct their affairs.

For, whatever is done at a time nearly contemporary with the const.i.tution, will be construed as the best exposition of it; and a mistaken principle of a virtuous ruler, whose public conduct is generally good, and always supposed to be honestly intended, carries with it an authority scarcely to be resisted, and precedents are thus formed which may prove dangerous--perhaps fatal.”--

1 Endorsed by Adams: ”The foregoing was sent to Mr Edes by the Post Mar 27, 81.”

TO SAMUEL COOPER.

[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]

PHILADE Apr 23 1781

MY DEAR SIR

I did not receive your favor of the 3d Instt till yesterday; a week later than Letters of the same Date from some others of my Boston friends were brought to me by the Post. As the Subject is delicate, I do not chuse to continue it in this Letter, which is to go thro a Channel provd from repeated Experience to be uncertain & unsafe. It was for this Reason that I committed to the Care of a private friend, my Letter to Mrs A of the 1st of Feby which she communicated to you. I am glad she did it in a Manner so acceptable. Indeed I never found Reason to doubt her Discretion. What you have written is very obliging & satisfactory to me. I hope to have the Pleasure of seeing you next Month. We will then, after our usual Manner, disclose each others Hearts.

Your Letter of the 31st Decr was not long ago deliverd to me by the Count Chartres. He appears to me to be an amiable & fine-spirited young n.o.bleman. After a short stay here, he preceded with the Marqs de la Fayette to the Southward.

You will recollect a Design which I mentiond to you respecting our Friend Mr L, & the Omission which, we were informd the Evening before I left Boston, had happend thro Mistake. I early wrote to you & requested your Influence to have it rectified. I have heard Nothing of it since.

In my Opinion the most essential Interest of the Town of Boston will be servd by it, & therefore I cannot look upon it as a Matter of Indifference. Not being acquainted with that Gentleman in the early Times of our Contest, I had by some means conceivd an Opinion of him not so favorable; but having had an Opportunity of critically observing him in the late Convention at Cambridge, I am satisfied he is a Virtuous Citizen, and possessd of the genuine Principles of New England. That Mr Rivington, if this Letter should fall into his Hands, may not pretend to be at a LOSS to know what is here meant, I will inform him that the genuine Principles of New England are Republican Principles which have been admired by some of the greatest Characters, whom (if he is an Englishman) his Country can boast of. You & I, among others, have had the Honor of being abusd by Rivingtons Press. A labord Performance has lately crept out, called the Times. I have had a cursory reading of it. It appears to me so much like the Productions of certain Geniuses who figurd in Mr Popes Time, that had the Author been cotemporary with them, a Page might have been added to the Dunciad, to immortalize his Works. I will endeavor to get some Parts of it transcribd & carry them to Boston. I am sure the reading it would serve to divert rather than to give you the least Pain. My due Regards to Friends.

Your affectionate

TO THOMAS McKEAN.1

[MS., Historical Society of Pennsylvania.]

BOSTON Augt 29th 1781

MY HONORD FRIEND

I have not yet acknowledgd your obliging Letter of the 8th of July, deliverd to me by Mr Davidson. Bodily Indisposition prevented my writing, when he returnd. I fancy he settled his Affairs here to his own Satisfaction. He is much esteemd by those who were favord with his Company, & I hope he met with Nothing disagreable to him during his short Stay among us.

Colo John Laurens with our Friend Mr Pain arrivd here a few Days ago from France. He left the Town the Day after his Arrival. His Visit to me was so short that I could not converse with him so fully as I wishd.

I hope he will be able to inform you of his complete Success in his Negociation. Will you be so kind as to give me such Intelligence as you may receive from him or any other Person from Europe. I wish to know the true State of our Affairs. Are we soon to have Peace? However desireable this may be, we must not wish for it on any Terms but such as shall he honorable & safe to our Country. Let us not disgrace our selves by giving just Occasion for it to be said hereafter, that we finishd this great Contest with an inglorious Accommodation. Things are whisperd here which, if true, will cause much Discontent. The Citizens of this Part of America will say, and judge, my dear Sir, whether it would not be just, that the fis.h.i.+ng Banks are at least as important as Tobacco yards, or Rice Swamps, or the flouris.h.i.+ng Wheat Fields of Pennsylvania. The Name only of Independence is not worth the Blood of a single Citizen. We have not been so long contending for Trifles. A Navy must support our Independence; and Britain will tell you, that the Fishery is a grand Nursery of Seamen. --I understand that G M,2 is appointed Deputy Financier, R R L,3 Secretary of foreign Affairs, and if Gl S4 is appointed to the War Department and Gl M5 to the” Marine, there will be a compleat N Y Administration. It may be well to enquire, what Influence has brought this about, & whether so much Power vested in the Citizens of any one State will excite the reasonable Jealousy of the rest. Adieu my Friend. Find a Moments Leisure to write to me.