Volume Iii Part 14 (1/2)
TO CHAPTER XXIV
At the end of the year 1854, negotiations had been on foot with a view to terminating the war, on terms which were known as the ”Four Points,” the third of which was designed to extinguish Russian preponderance in the Black Sea; and a conference of the Powers ultimately a.s.sembled at Vienna for the purpose. Early in 1855, Sardinia, under the influence of Cavour, her Premier, joined the Western Alliance against Russia. On Parliament re-a.s.sembling in January, Mr Roebuck gave notice of a motion for the appointment of a Committee to enquire into the conduct of the war. Lord John Russell, finding himself unable to resist the motion, at once resigned, and the Ministry was overwhelmingly defeated by a majority of more than two to one. Lord Derby, as Leader of the Conservative Opposition, was summoned to form a Ministry, but failed to do so; the age of Lord Lansdowne prevented his accepting the Premiers.h.i.+p; and Lord John Russell, whose action had largely contributed to the defeat of the coalition, then attempted the task, but found that he could not command the support even of his old Whig colleagues. The Queen accordingly desired Lord Palmerston, whom the voice of the country unmistakably indicated for the Premiers.h.i.+p, to construct a Government; he was successful in the attempt, the Cabinet being a reconstruction of that of Lord Aberdeen, with Lord Panmure subst.i.tuted for the Duke of Newcastle at the War Office, while Lord John Russell was appointed British Plenipotentiary at the Vienna Conference. The new Premier desired to prevent the actual appointment of the Committee which Mr Roebuck's motion demanded, the displacement of the late Ministry--the real objective of the attack--having been effected; but as the House of Commons manifested a determination to proceed with the appointment of the Committee, the Peelite section of the Cabinet (Sir James Graham, Mr Gladstone, and Mr Sidney Herbert) withdrew, and Lord John Russell, who was then on his way to Vienna, accepted the Secretarys.h.i.+p of the Colonies. Early in March, the Czar Nicholas died suddenly of pulmonary apoplexy, and the expectation of peace increased; shortly afterwards, the Emperor and Empress of the French paid a state visit to this country, and were received with much enthusiasm, the Emperor being made a Knight of the Garter.
In February, a determined attack by the Russians upon Eupatoria was repulsed by the Turks; the defenders of Sebastopol, however, succeeded in occupying and fortifying an important position, afterwards known as the ”Mamelon.” The bombardment was resumed by the Allies in April, and a successful attack made upon Kertsch, from which the supplies of Sebastopol were mainly drawn; while a squadron under Captain Lyons destroyed the Russian magazines and stores in the Sea of Azov. General Canrobert was succeeded in the French command by General Pelissier, and on the 7th of June the Mamelon was taken by the French. A desperate but, as it proved, unsuccessful a.s.sault was then made by the Allies on the Redan and Malakhoff batteries; at this juncture Lord Raglan died, and was succeeded in the command by General Simpson.
The Vienna Conference proved abortive, Russia refusing to accept the third point, and though a compromise was proposed by Austria, which was favoured by the British and French Plenipotentiaries, their respective Governments did not ratify their views. The negotiations accordingly broke down, and Lord John Russell, on his return, used language in Parliament quite inconsistent with the view which it afterwards appeared he had urged at Vienna. He was loudly denounced for this, and, to avoid Parliamentary censure, again resigned office.
Among the measures which became law during the session, were those for enabling companies to be formed with limited liability, and for granting self-government to some of the Australasian Colonies. The Committee appointed by the House of Commons held its meetings in public (after a proposal to keep its investigations secret had been rejected), and, by the casting vote of the Chairman, reported that the late Cabinet, when directing the expedition to the Crimea, had had no adequate information as to the force they would have to encounter there; but a motion to ”visit with severe reprehension” every member of the Cabinet was parried by carrying the ”previous question.”
In August, the Queen and Prince Albert paid a return visit to the French Emperor, and were received with great magnificence in Paris, while later in the year King Victor Emmanuel of Sardinia visited this country, and was made a Knight of the Garter. On the 9th of August, Sweaborg was severely bombarded by the allied fleets in the Baltic, and a forlorn attempt to raise the siege of Sebastopol resulted in another decisive success at the Tchernaya, the Sardinian contingent fighting with great bravery. Sebastopol fell on the 8th of September, after a siege of three hundred and forty-nine days; the citadel of Kinburn was bombarded and surrendered in October, after which General Simpson retired, in favour of Sir William Codrington. On the other hand, the fortress of Kars in Armenia, which had been defended by General Fenwick Williams, had to surrender to the Russian General Mouravieff, in circ.u.mstances, however, so honourable, that the officers were allowed to retain their swords, and their General received a Baronetcy and a pension of 1000 a year.
CHAPTER XXIV
1855
[Pageheading: THE FOUR POINTS]
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Clarendon._
OSBORNE, _9th January 1855._
THE Queen received Lord Clarendon's box by special messenger yesterday evening. The acceptance by Russia of our interpretation of the four points[1] is a most clever, diplomatic man[oe]uvre, and very embarra.s.sing for us at this moment, before Sebastopol is taken, and before Austria has been compelled to join in the war. It leaves us no alternative but to meet in conference, which, however, in the Queen's opinion, ought to be preceded by a despatch to Austria, putting on record our opinion as to the nature and object of the step taken by Russia, and the advantages she hopes to derive by it from Austria and Germany, and the disadvantages she expects to inflict on the Western Powers. As hostilities ought not to be interrupted unless the Russians give up Sebastopol and evacuate the Crimea (which would give rest and quiet to our poor soldiers), there still remains the hope of our getting the place before preliminaries of peace could be signed; and in that case a Peace on the four points would be everything we could desire, and much preferable to the chance of future convulsions of the whole state of Europe. Russia would then have yielded all our wishes for the future.
A mere moral defeat, such as Count Buol seems disposed to consider as sufficient, would soon prove to have been none at all, and Austria would be the Power which, to its cost, would find out (when too late) that the preponderance of Russia is by no means diminished.
The Queen has given her permission to Lord John to go to Paris; he will find the Emperor as little able to help himself in this stage of the business as ourselves.
The Queen is afraid that the news of the Russian acceptance may induce our commanders in the Crimea to rest on their oars, and thinks it necessary, therefore, that immediate orders should go out, pointing out that the early fall of the town is just now more important than ever.
The Queen wishes Lord Clarendon to communicate this letter to Lord Aberdeen and the Duke of Newcastle.
She returns to Windsor this afternoon.
[Footnote 1: The celebrated ”Four Points” were--
1. Cessation of the Russian protectorate over Moldavia, Wallachia, and Servia: the privileges granted by the Sultan to the Princ.i.p.alities to be collectively guaranteed by the Powers.
2. Free navigation of the Danube.
3. Termination of the preponderance of Russia in the Black Sea.
4. Abandonment by Russia of her claim over any subjects of the Porte; the Five Powers to co-operate in obtaining from the Sultan the confirmation and observance of the religious privileges of the different Christian communities, and to turn to account in their common interest the generous intentions manifested by the Sultan, without infringing his dignity or the independence of his crown.