Volume Ii Part 114 (1/2)
LONDON, _7th October 1853._
Lord Aberdeen presents his humble duty to your Majesty. As your Majesty will expect to hear from him to-day, he has the honour of addressing your Majesty, although he could wish that it had been in his power to give your Majesty a more full and satisfactory account of the decisions of the Cabinet. The meeting was very long, and considerable difference of opinion prevailed in the course of the discussion. At length, however, Lord Aberdeen is happy to say there was such an agreement as ensured a certain degree of unanimity. With this view, it was determined to adhere to a defensive principle of action in the East. The Fleets may perhaps be already at Constantinople; but, at all events, they are to be brought there forthwith, and to be stationed either there or in the Bosphorus, unless the Russians should cross the Danube, or make any attack upon the Turkish possessions on the coast of the Black Sea. In this case, the combined Fleets would enter the Black Sea, for the defence of the Turkish territory.
Considering the position we have already a.s.sumed in this unfortunate affair, perhaps it was impossible to do less than this; and as there is very little chance of Russia undertaking any active hostilities of the nature apprehended, it may reasonably be hoped that no actual collision will take place. At the same time it must be recollected that Russia will regard the entrance of line of battle-s.h.i.+ps into the Black Sea as a virtual declaration of war against herself.
There is yet no confirmation of the actual declaration of war by the Porte, and although there is no reason to suspect any serious impediment to the decision of the Divan being fulfilled, it is rather strange that intelligence to this effect has not been received. If Lord Stratford should see great cause for apprehension at the prospect of the Turks in the prosecution of hostilities, it is just possible that by his influence he may have arrested the progress of their warlike measures; but probably this is too much to hope. At all events, Lord Aberdeen trusts that the path of negotiation is not finally closed, and that, notwithstanding the equivocal position of Great Britain in this contest, it may still be possible to employ words of conciliation and peace....
[Pageheading: WAR IMMINENT]
[Pageheading: LORD ABERDEEN OVERBORNE]
_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._
BALMORAL, _10th October 1853._
I had a long interview with Sir James Graham this morning, and told him that Lord Aberdeen's last letter to the Queen and him[26] made us very uneasy. It was evident that Lord Aberdeen was, against his better judgment, consenting to a course of policy which he inwardly condemned, that his desire to maintain unanimity at the Cabinet led to concessions which by degrees altered the whole character of the policy, while he held out no hope of being able permanently to secure agreement. I described the Queen's position as a very painful one.
Here were decisions taken by the Cabinet, perhaps even acted upon, involving the most momentous consequences, without her previous concurrence or even the means for her to judge of the propriety or impropriety of course to be adopted, with evidence that the Minister, in whose judgment the Queen placed her chief reliance, disapproved of it. The position was morally and const.i.tutionally a wrong one. The Queen ought to have the whole policy in spirit and ultimate tendency developed before her to give her deliberate sanction to it, knowing what it involved her in abroad and at home. She might now be involved in war, of which the consequences could not be calculated, chiefly by the desire of Lord Aberdeen to keep his Cabinet together; this might then break down, and the Queen would be left without an efficient Government, and a war on her hands. Lord Aberdeen renounced one of his chief sources of strength in the Cabinet, by not making it apparent that he requires the sanction of the Crown to the course proposed by the Cabinet, and has to justify his advice by argument before it can be adopted, and that it does not suffice to come to a decision at the table of the Cabinet. Sir James Graham perfectly coincided with this view and offered to go up to Town immediately. The Queen wrote the letter to Lord Aberdeen ... which Sir James takes up with him. He shall arrive at Windsor on Friday (14th), and Lord Aberdeen is to have an Audience on Sat.u.r.day. Sir James will tell him that the Queen wants his deliberate opinion on what course is best to be followed, and that the course once adopted should be steadily and uninterruptedly pursued.
ALBERT.
[Footnote 26:
_The Earl of Aberdeen to Sir James Graham._ [_Submitted to the Queen._]
ARGYLL HOUSE, _8th October 1853._
MY DEAR GRAHAM,--... When we met, Clarendon made a sort of _resume_ of what had taken place before we all separated, but ended with no specific proposal. After a few interlocutory remarks from different quarters, Palmerston proposed his plan.
Lord John faintly supported it in general terms, but did not seem much in earnest about it. I said that it appeared to involve the necessity of a declaration of war against Russia, and the calling together Parliament forthwith. Gladstone strongly argued against the proposal. Clarendon then read an outline of his proposed instructions, which were a great abatement from Palmerston's plan. We came at last to a sort of compromise; our great difficulty being now to deal with the question of entering the Black Sea. I consented to this being done, provided it was strictly in defence of some point of attack on Turkish territory. I have no fear that this will take place; and as long as we abstain from entering the Black Sea, Peace may be possible between us and Russia. We have thus a.s.sumed a strictly defensive position, which for the moment may be sufficient, and will enable us to carry on negotiations; but this cannot last long. Under the character of defensive war, we should inevitably become extensively engaged. Should the Turks be at all worsted, which is probable, of course we must increase our a.s.sistance. We should have a French army, and perhaps English money--all for defence.
The aspect of the Cabinet was, on the whole, very good.
Gladstone, active and energetic for Peace; Argyll, Herbert, C. Wood, and Granville, all in the same sense. Newcastle, not quite so much so, but good; Lansdowne, not so warlike as formerly; Lord John warlike enough, but subdued in tone; Palmerston urged his views perseveringly, but not disagreeably. The Chancellor said little, but was cordially peaceful. Molesworth was not present, there having been some mistake in sending the notice.
On the whole, therefore, yesterday pa.s.sed off well enough; but we shall see what to-day will bring us. Not a syllable was said in the Cabinet on any other subject. Lord John seemed in good humour; he came to see me a few minutes before the Cabinet. I told you that I had spoken to Gladstone very fully; but I did not press any decision respecting _domestic_ matters, as it would at this moment be quite unseasonable.
Nevertheless, it must not be forgotten altogether. Yours, etc., etc.,
ABERDEEN.]
[Pageheading: LORD STRATFORD'S INSTRUCTIONS]
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Clarendon._