Part 34 (1/2)

II

That night the most old-fas.h.i.+oned and sober Roman went to bed at an advanced hour. Men were gathered in little knots along the streets, in the forums, in the porticos and basilicas, arguing, gesticulating, wrangling. Military tribunes and centurions in armour of Pompeius's legions were parading on the _comitium_.[142] Veterans of that leader were jostling about in the crowd, clanking their newly furbished armour and shouting for their old general. If a man spoke for Caesar, a crowd of bystanders was ready to hoot him down. Staid householders locked up their dwellings and stationed trusty slaves at the doors to see that the crowds did not take to riot and pillage. The sailors from the wharves had been drinking heavily in all the taverns, and now roved up and down the crowded streets, seeking opportunity for brawls.

Thieves and cutpurses were plying their most successful work; but no officials had time to direct the efforts of the hara.s.sed and slender police corps. To Pompeius's palace, without the gates, every man whose voice or vote seemed worth the winning had been summoned. All the senators had streamed out thither; and there the Magnus had brought them under the spell of his martial authority and made them as wax in his hand. And all ”that majesty that doth hedge about a king,” or about a victorious general, exerted its full influence. The senators came into the palace of Pompeius as into the palace of their despot.

He stood before them in his largest hall, wearing the embroidered robe of a triumphator, with the laurel crown of his victories upon his head. At his right hand, as first vizir of his state, stood Lentulus Crus; at his left Lucius Domitius. The senators came to him and bowed low, and said their ”_Aves_” and ”_Salves_” as though cringing before a Mithridates or Tigranes of the East; and Pompeius, by the cordiality or coolness of his response, indicated which of his va.s.sals had or had not fallen under his disfavour.

[142] a.s.sembly-place in the _Forum Romanum_.

Yes, despotism had come at last for Rome. The oligarchy had by its corrupt incapacity made a tyranny inevitable. They could make choice of masters, but a master they must have. Many were the proud Fabii, Claudii, and Valerii present that night--men whose lines of curule ancestors were as long as the duration of the Republic--who ground their teeth with shame and inward rage the very moment they cried, ”_Salve, Magne!_” Yet the recipient of all this adulation was in no enviable frame of mind. He looked hara.s.sed and weary, despite the splendour of his dress and crown. And many were the whispered conversations that pa.s.sed between him and his ministers, or rather custodians, Lentulus and Domitius.

”Ah! poor Julia,” sighed Pompeius, whose mind ever reverted to his dead wife, ”what misery would have been yours if you had seen this day. Poor Julia; how I loved her; and Caesar, her father, loved her too; and now--”

”Be yourself, Magnus,” expostulated the consul at his side; ”remember that for the good of the Republic every personal affection is to be put away. Recall Brutus, who put his own sons to death because they committed treason. Remember what Scipio aemilia.n.u.s said when he learned that Tiberius Gracchus, his dear brother-in-law, had been put to death for sedition. He quoted Homer's line:--

”'So perish all who do the like again!'”

”And must I trample down every tie, every affection?” complained wretched Pompeius, who never ceased hoping against hope that something would avert the catastrophe.

”There is no tie, no affection, Magnus,” said Domitius, sternly, ”that binds you to Caesar. Cast his friends.h.i.+p from your breast as you would a viper. Think only of being justly hailed with Romulus, Camillus, and Marius as the fourth founder of Rome. Strike, and win immortal glory.”

And so to the last hour these confederates wrought upon their supple instrument, and bent him to their will; and their tool in turn had all else at his mercy. Pompeius addressed the senators, and, well trained by his guardians, spoke with brutal frankness to those who had dared to advise moderation.

”You, Rufus,” he said, pointing a menacing finger, before which that senator cowered in dread, ”have been advising the Republic to tolerate the chief of its enemies. You bid me to disarm or withdraw from Italy, as though the lives and property of any good men would be safe the moment Caesar was left unopposed to pour his cohorts of barbarous Gauls and Germans into the country. You, Calidius, have given the same untimely advice. Beware lest you repent the hour when you counselled that I should disarm or quit the neighbourhood of Rome.” The two-edged suggestion contained in this last warning was too marked for the reproved men not to turn pale with dread, and slink away trembling behind their a.s.sociates.

”But,” continued Pompeius, ”I have praise as well as blame; Marcus Cato has not deserted the Republic. He has advised, and advised well, that the proconsul of the Gauls be stripped of his legions.” It was Cato's turn now to bite his lips with mortification, for in times past he had foretold that through Pompeius great miseries would come to the state, and in his praetors.h.i.+p had declared that Pompeius ought to go to his province, and not stay at home to stir up tumults and anarchy from which he could emerge as monarch. And such praise from the Magnus's lips, under the present circ.u.mstances, was gall and wormwood to his haughty soul.

”And,” continued Pompeius, ”I shall not forget to applaud the energetic counsels of Domitius and Lentulus Crus. Let those who wish to preserve life and property,” he added, with a menacing significance, ”see to it that they do as these gentlemen advise.”

And thereupon there was a great shout of applause from all the more rabid senators, in which the rest thought it safer to join, with simulated heartiness. But Pompeius did not stop here. He brought before the senators tribunes from the two legions taken from Caesar, and these tribunes loudly declaimed--having learned their lesson well--that their troops were ill-affected toward their former commander, and would follow Pompeius to the last. And the Magnus produced veteran officers of his old campaigns, whom hope of reward and promotion had induced to come and declare for their former commander. Late, very late, the informal session of the Senate broke up. The ”Fathers of the Republic” went each man to his own dwelling; but there was no longer any doubt as to what was to come of the doings of the day.

Flaccus, the banker, had of course no access to the conference; but he had waited outside the gate of the palace, to learn the issue from an acquaintance in the Senate. His patience was at last rewarded.

”Tell me, friend,” was his question, ”what will be the outcome of this; shall I risk any loans to-morrow?”

The friendly senator seemed doubtful.

”Caesar is a ruined man. Who imagines his legions will fight? We know Labienus is with Pompeius.”

”You are wrong,” said Flaccus.

”Wrong? I?” replied the senator. ”I know whereof I speak.”

”_Phy!”_ cried the banker, ”not Caesar, but you are ruined. The legions will fight.”

”Don't prophesy,” sneered the acquaintance, ”seeing that you brokers always keep out of politics.”

”You politicians are blind,” retorted Flaccus.