Part 12 (1/2)

Langdon smiled.

”I've never been in Pittsburg, but they tell me it looks as if it could take care of itself.”

The visitor shrugged his shoulders.

”That's true enough; but give and take is the rule in political matters, Langdon.”

This remark brought a frown to Langdon's face.

”I don't like bargaining between gentlemen, Peabody. More important still, I don't believe American politics has to be run on that plan.

Why can't we change a lot of things now that we are here?”

Langdon became so enthused that he paced up and down the room as he spoke.

”Peabody, you and Stevens and I,” continued Langdon, ”could get our friends together and right now start to make this great capital of our great country the place of the 'square deal,' the place where give and take, bargain and sale, are unknown. We could start a movement that would drive out all secret influences--”

The secretary noticed Peabody's involuntary start.

”The newspapers would help us,” went on Langdon. ”Public opinion would be with us, and both houses of Congress would have to join in the work if we went out in front, led the way and showed them their plain duty.

And I tell you, Senator Peabody, that the principles that gave birth to this country, the principles of truth, honesty, justice and independence, would rule in Was.h.i.+ngton--”

”If Was.h.i.+ngton cared anything about them, Langdon,” interjected the Pennsylvanian.

”That's my point,” cried the Mississippian--”let us teach Was.h.i.+ngton to care about them!”

”Langdon, Langdon,” said Peabody, patronizingly, ”you've seized on a bigger task than you know. After you reform Was.h.i.+ngton you will have to go on and reform human nature, human instincts, every human being in the country, if you want to make politics this angelic thing you describe. It isn't politics, it's humanity, that's wrong,” waving aside a protest from Langdon.

”Anyway, your idea is not const.i.tutional, Langdon,” continued Peabody.

”You want everybody to have a share in the national government. That wouldn't meet the theory of centralization woven into our political system by its founders. They intended that our Government should be controlled by a limited number of representatives, so that authority can be fixed and responsibility ascertained.”

”You distort my meaning!” cried Langdon. ”And, Senator, I would like to ask why so many high-priced const.i.tutional lawyers who enter Congress spend so much time in placing the Const.i.tution of the United States between themselves and their duty, sir, between the people and their Government, sir, between the nation and its destiny? I want to know if in your opinion the Const.i.tution was designed to throttle expression of the public will?”

”Of course not. That's the reason you and I, Langdon, and the others are elected to the Senate,” added Peabody, starting to leave. Then he halted. ”By the way, Senator,” he said, ”I'll do my best to arrange what you want regarding aluminium hydrates for the sake of the South, and I'll also stand with you for Altacoola for the naval base. Our committee is to make its report to-morrow.”

Langdon observed the penetrating gaze that Peabody had fixed on him.

It seemed to betray that the Pennsylvanian's apparently careless manner was a.s.sumed.

”H'm!” coughed Langdon, glancing at Haines. ”I'm not absolutely committed to Altacoola until I'm sure it's the best place. I'll make up my mind to-day definitely, and I _think_ it will be for Altacoola.”

The boss of the Senate went out, glaring venomously at Haines, slamming the door.

A moment later a page boy brought in a card. ”Colonel J.D. Telfer, Gulf City,” read the Senator.

”Bud,” he remarked to the secretary, ”I'm going to send my old acquaintance, Telfer, Mayor of Gulf City, in here for you to talk to.

He'll want to know about his town's chances for being chosen as the naval base. I must hurry away, as I have an appointment with my daughters and Mrs. Spangler before going before ways and means.”