Part 1 (1/2)
Living our Language.
Ojibwe tales and oral histories.
edited by Anton Treuer.
INTRODUCTION.
We're Not Losing Our Language
”We're not losing our language, our language is losing us,” says White Earth elder Joe Auginaush. I have been both haunted and driven by that thought for many years now. The current peril faced by the Ojibwe (Chippewa) language is a matter of a declining number of speakers and a people who have lost their way, rather than a language that is lost or dying. The Ojibwe language, spoken by as many as 60,000 Anis.h.i.+naabe people in Michigan, Wisconsin, Minnesota, North Dakota, Quebec, Ontario, Manitoba, and Saskatchewan, is alive.1 The grammar, syntax, and structure of the language are complete. The oral tradition and history of the Ojibwe are still with us. Yet in many areas fluency rates have plummeted to unprecedented and unsustainable levels. Especially in the United States, most speakers are more than forty-five years of age. The grammar, syntax, and structure of the language are complete. The oral tradition and history of the Ojibwe are still with us. Yet in many areas fluency rates have plummeted to unprecedented and unsustainable levels. Especially in the United States, most speakers are more than forty-five years of age.2 In some places, the fluency rate is as low as one percent. In some places, the fluency rate is as low as one percent.3 As the population of fluent speakers ages and eventually leaves, there is no doubt that the Ojibwe language will lose its carriers. We are not losing our language. Our language is losing us. As the population of fluent speakers ages and eventually leaves, there is no doubt that the Ojibwe language will lose its carriers. We are not losing our language. Our language is losing us.
A battle now rages to keep Ojibwe alive. At stake is the future of not only the language, but the knowledge contained within the language, the unique Ojibwe worldview and way of thinking, the Anis.h.i.+naabe connection to the past, to the earth, and to the future. In recent years, educational initiatives have been implemented at every level of the curriculum. Elders, such as those whose stories are collected in this book, have made extra efforts to teach and to be heard. Young Anis.h.i.+naabe people have been making extra efforts to listen and to learn. It is the hope and prayer of all those involved in creating this book that these recent efforts will not be too little, too late. ”We are not losing our language” is a statement of fact. ”We are not losing our language” is a battle cry. ”We are not losing our language” is a promise to all who care about the Ojibwe language, a promise that it will not die. Culture and language are inextricably linked, and all of the stories in this volume echo this belief in one way or another. It is my hope that this collection of bilingual Ojibwe stories can help to turn the tide of that battle as well as educate readers about Ojibwe history, culture, and humor.
Over the past several years, I recorded numerous Ojibwe elders from my home community of Leech Lake and the neighboring reservations of White Earth, Red Lake, and Mille Lacs. I also came under the cultural tutelage of Archie Mosay, an elder from the St. Croix Reservation of Wisconsin, and recorded some of his stories as well. I never recorded any sacred legends, which are strictly taught through oral instruction only. However, the narrations of childhood memories and Ojibwe lifeways tell a great deal about how Ojibwe people lived, thought, and persevered during the tumultuous twentieth century.
This anthology is rich and varied. Not only do the a.s.sorted speakers have different ways of speaking Ojibwe, they also have very different experiences and philosophies about anis.h.i.+naabe-izhichigewin anis.h.i.+naabe-izhichigewin-the Indian culture-and anis.h.i.+naabemowin anis.h.i.+naabemowin-the Ojibwe language. The stories are vividly detailed, and often the speakers paint a verbal canvas of Ojibwe living: maple sugar camps, ricing, spearing fish, and religious ceremonies. A picture of early-twentieth-century life comes alive in the tellings of these gifted orators-whether it is Susan Jackson's explanations of rabbit snaring at Inger on the Leech Lake Reservation or Archie Mosay's description of the tall pine forests of the 1910s, where lack of undergrowth left a silent carpet upon which he could approach white-tailed deer. The history revealed in these stories is of great importance as well, and historical narrations about everything from Ojibwe-Dakota warfare to boarding schools and military experience during the Second World War abound. Indeed, when Porky White remembers his namesake, a Civil War veteran, it becomes strikingly clear just how much has changed in a very short time for the Ojibwe.
The serious narratives about culture and history are great fun to read, as they are interwoven with a thread of humor. Examples of comic recollections include the image of Archie Mosay, a full-grown man and father, fearfully running off the footpath and hiding in the brush the first time he saw an automobile, as well as his stories about the first time he saw a black man and the devilish tricks he played on people while hunting. Other speakers describe their misbehavior as children with enthusiasm and detail, whether is it Emma Fisher siccing her dogs on her uncle or Porky White explaining that he was nicknamed ”Porky” because he followed around an elder man who looked like a porcupine. And, at times, the stories presented have the sole purpose of entertainment, whether it is Scott Headbird telling about two Red Lake Indians who got a mouse inebriated or Joe Auginaush describing Wenabozho playing baseball at Rice Lake. The narrations contain a breadth of character and detail that covers every experience, from the fun and folly of youth to the wisdom and deep-thinking philosophy of old age.
The Ojibwe of Minnesota.
From their original homelands on the Atlantic Coast of the United States, the Ojibwe and other Algonquian tribes had been migrating westward for centuries before European contact. The spiritual and economic rationales for this radical change in demographics are still well doc.u.mented in the oral tradition of the Ojibwe people.4 By the time French explorers first penetrated the central Great Lakes in the middle of the seventeenth century, the Ojibwe had already established numerous villages west of Sault Ste. Marie. By the time French explorers first penetrated the central Great Lakes in the middle of the seventeenth century, the Ojibwe had already established numerous villages west of Sault Ste. Marie.
The fur trade was to change Ojibwe life forever. As Dutch and then British empires sparred with the French for control of the beaver trade and first rights to colonization, their actions sparked both declines in the populations of fur-bearing animals due to over-trapping and the Iroquois Wars that dominated the latter half of the seventeenth century.5 The French-supported Ojibwe and their allies, the Ottawa and the Potowatomi, eventually emerged victorious in their conflict with the British-allied Iroquois Confederacy. However, European diseases, particularly smallpox, had a devastating effect on native populations in the Great Lakes during this period, claiming over ninety percent of the Indian lives in some villages. The French-supported Ojibwe and their allies, the Ottawa and the Potowatomi, eventually emerged victorious in their conflict with the British-allied Iroquois Confederacy. However, European diseases, particularly smallpox, had a devastating effect on native populations in the Great Lakes during this period, claiming over ninety percent of the Indian lives in some villages.
The Ojibwe did rebound from the debilitating effects of the Iroquois Wars and European diseases, and, contrary to conventional thought, they expanded their territorial domain and population over the next one hundred years. The Ojibwe displaced many of their western Indian neighbors, the Dakota and the Nakota.6 However, the western Lakota had been expanding westward through this period as well, displacing other Indian groups on the plains. Standard models for studying Indian history do not adequately describe the process of Ojibwe and Lakota expansion in the eighteenth century. Both groups were being However, the western Lakota had been expanding westward through this period as well, displacing other Indian groups on the plains. Standard models for studying Indian history do not adequately describe the process of Ojibwe and Lakota expansion in the eighteenth century. Both groups were being pulled pulled to the west far more than they were being to the west far more than they were being pushed pushed from the east. from the east.7 By 1800, the Ojibwe had exclusive control over the northern half of Minnesota. The Red Lake and Pembina Bands of Ojibwe continued to push on to the Great Plains over the next fifty years, eventually establis.h.i.+ng new communities, with their new allies the Cree and the a.s.siniboin, at Turtle Mountain, North Dakota, and Rocky Boy, Montana. By 1800, the Ojibwe had exclusive control over the northern half of Minnesota. The Red Lake and Pembina Bands of Ojibwe continued to push on to the Great Plains over the next fifty years, eventually establis.h.i.+ng new communities, with their new allies the Cree and the a.s.siniboin, at Turtle Mountain, North Dakota, and Rocky Boy, Montana.
Tensions between the Ojibwe and the Dakota in Minnesota eased some in the early nineteenth century. There were numerous battles, but the scale of the conflict had greatly diminished and significant territorial changes were now a thing of the past. Both groups had to contend with a new aggressor: the United States of America.
The Minnesota Ojibwe's eventual dispossession of their land was piecemeal, as treaties were negotiated in 1837, 1847, 1854, 1855, 1863, 1864, 1866, and 1867. After treaty-making in the United States came to a close, the Nelson Act of 1889 established the Red Lake Reservation, including large land cessions from Red Lake and White Earth. Additional land cessions were made at Red Lake in 1904.
The remaining Indian reservation landholdings in Minnesota came under a.s.sault through the policy of allotment, established by the General Allotment Act of 1887, also known as the Dawes Act. Two years later, the Nelson Act of 1889 implemented allotment for all Minnesota Ojibwe except for those at Red Lake.8 Allotment was utilized to break up reservations. Through this policy, tribal governments would no longer own land (except at Red Lake) and each individual Indian would receive a parcel in private owners.h.i.+p. In spite of a twenty-five-year trust period prohibiting the sale of Indian allotments, many allotments were illegally sold or stolen. Timber and land speculators preyed on Indian allottees, with devastating effects. Some reservations, such as White Earth, emerged with less than ten percent of their reservation in Indian hands. Government officials found ways to circ.u.mvent protections in the Dawes or Nelson Acts with riders to appropriation bills and amendments to the trust period for mixed blood and ”competent” Indians. Allotment was utilized to break up reservations. Through this policy, tribal governments would no longer own land (except at Red Lake) and each individual Indian would receive a parcel in private owners.h.i.+p. In spite of a twenty-five-year trust period prohibiting the sale of Indian allotments, many allotments were illegally sold or stolen. Timber and land speculators preyed on Indian allottees, with devastating effects. Some reservations, such as White Earth, emerged with less than ten percent of their reservation in Indian hands. Government officials found ways to circ.u.mvent protections in the Dawes or Nelson Acts with riders to appropriation bills and amendments to the trust period for mixed blood and ”competent” Indians.9 Allotment was not implemented at Mille Lacs until 1926 in order to encourage Indians there to relocate and take allotments at White Earth. By the time allotment was implemented at Mille Lacs, however, there were only 284 Ojibwe left and the remaining land base for allotment was very small. Allotment was not implemented at Mille Lacs until 1926 in order to encourage Indians there to relocate and take allotments at White Earth. By the time allotment was implemented at Mille Lacs, however, there were only 284 Ojibwe left and the remaining land base for allotment was very small.10 The Indian Reorganization Act (IRA) of 1934 opened the door to stronger tribal sovereignty for the Minnesota Ojibwe, as reservation governments organized and displaced the unwelcome Bureau of Indian Affairs, which had managed the day-to-day affairs on reservations. There were problems with the IRA, as it lumped together the previously separate Ojibwe communities of Sandy Lake, East Lake, Lake Lena, Isle, and Mille Lacs under the rubric of one reservation, leaving many Indians from the district of East Lake in particular feeling disempowered and not properly represented.11 The IRA also included in the Minnesota Chippewa Tribe all Ojibwe reservations except for Red Lake. This joint governing and funding authority increased communication between reservations and coordinated many programs but made const.i.tutional reforms and major changes in political structure nearly impossible, hampering efforts at const.i.tutional reform by Leech Lake and White Earth residents even today. The IRA also included in the Minnesota Chippewa Tribe all Ojibwe reservations except for Red Lake. This joint governing and funding authority increased communication between reservations and coordinated many programs but made const.i.tutional reforms and major changes in political structure nearly impossible, hampering efforts at const.i.tutional reform by Leech Lake and White Earth residents even today.
From the late nineteenth century until the close of World War II, numerous Ojibwe children were taken from their homes and sent to government boarding schools, where they were often beaten for speaking the Ojibwe language. The effects of this forced a.s.similation were particularly damaging to long-term language retention for Ojibwe communities, creating a permanent break in language instruction for many families. Those who regained the language after boarding school often did not teach the language to their children. As a result, most Minnesota Ojibwe communities today have fluency rates of ten percent or less, with the vast majority of speakers being forty-five or more years of age.12 In spite of the devastating effects of dispossession and a.s.similation policies, the Ojibwe still maintain a vibrant culture and a strong, unbroken religious tradition. The base of speakers was surely in decline, but the Big Drum Ceremonials and Medicine Dance have continued to be practiced. Today, those ceremonies are experiencing revitalization as numerous young Ojibwe people attempt to regain contact with ancient history and culture. In many ways Ojibwe tradition lives on, although fluency in Ojibwe is a requirement for anyone telling funeral legends or conducting a Medicine Dance. Ojibwe culture is intact, but it is affixed by very thin threads.
The waxing power of tribal governments and the upsurge of interest in traditional culture has sparked new hope for the language in recent years. Casinos provide a much-needed income stream for Ojibwe communities, and many tribes have put the money to good use, building Big Drum dance halls and funding language programs. Among these communities there is hope for a revitalization of Ojibwe language and culture. Without doubt, it is in the spirit of revitalization that the speakers represented here have chosen to share their knowledge.
The Journey:
From Meeting Speakers to Pursuing Publication.
When I first began recording Ojibwe speakers and transcribing their stories, I didn't think about publis.h.i.+ng them. I simply wanted to preserve the language of some of my family members and community elders for myself. I was interested in working with people close to me who spoke the same dialect of Ojibwe. Thus, my first contacts were primarily Leech Lake elders-Scott Headbird, Emma Fisher, and Walter ”Porky” White. A few years later, I also recorded Leech Lake elders Hartley White and Susan Jackson.
As I continued to collect language material, I came to understand more and more how precious that material was and how useful it would be for anyone interested in Ojibwe language and culture. Earl Otchingwanigan (formerly Nyholm) and Kent Smith, both of whom worked at Bemidji State University, encouraged me to a.s.sume the position of editor for the Oshkaabewis Native Journal Oshkaabewis Native Journal, an Ojibwe language publication produced by Bemidji State University Indian Studies. In speaking with the elders I had been recording, I decided that it wouldn't be fair for me to keep their stories to myself. Many of the elders recorded stories for the expressed purpose of sharing them with me and with anyone else who would listen. To further their goal, I began to publish some of those stories in monolingual Ojibwe transcription and, later, with English translation as well. As the journal's circulation grew, I began to record other Ojibwe elders, including several from communities with significantly different dialects. I eventually worked with people from all of the major Minnesotan Ojibwe dialects, including a number of people from the Red Lake community of Ponemah, Mille Lacs and communities along the St. Croix border region, and especially the late Archie Mosay of Balsam Lake, Wisconsin. I also visited with several elders from White Earth and established a good friends.h.i.+p with Joe Auginaush through those visits. There aren't enough speakers in this book to represent each Ojibwe community in Minnesota, but most dialects of Southwestern Ojibwe are well represented. The stories in this book are organized by speaker, with an introduction detailing the life and background of each teller preceding his or her stories.
From Oral Tradition to Written Text: Recording, Transcribing, and Translating.
Oral tradition is meant to be handed down through the spoken word. Maintaining strong oral traditions is a top priority for the survival of Ojibwe language and culture. This book is not intended to subst.i.tute written stories for oral tradition or spoken language. Rather, it is a tool that language students and teachers can use to augment their spoken instruction and recorded tapes. Textualizing the language is a necessary step to developing an Ojibwe language literature, allowing us both to preserve the language and to teach it. Furthermore, in producing books like this one, the contributing elders can reach Ojibwe people in urban areas and other communities they would not otherwise be able to reach. The written text before you is meant to a.s.sist in the preservation of spoken Ojibwe and the oral tradition. It never could nor should replace any part of the vocalized word or its usage.
Over the past several years, I have visited numerous Ojibwe elders from Minnesota and Wisconsin as a part of my efforts to learn more about Ojibwe language and culture, as well as for the simple joys of visiting. Eventually, I recorded some of those elders on ca.s.sette. Usually, we would sit at their kitchen tables, or sometimes in their living rooms. I only recorded elders when they were both willing to partic.i.p.ate and comfortable with the idea. Sometimes I recorded stories at language camps or other events, but for the most part recordings took place in the speakers' homes.
After recording the stories, I brought the tapes to my home near Ca.s.s Lake, Minnesota, and went to work transcribing them. Some of the transcriptions were completed while I was traveling or working in Milwaukee. It sometimes took me weeks to transcribe a story. When transcriptions were ready, I translated the stories. When there were words I didn't know or parts of the original recording I didn't fully understand, I noted the places for my next visit. When transcription and translation for a story or set of stories were complete, I would then visit the elder again and clarify any questions I had in transcription or translation. I then read stories back to the speakers for proofing. Although there were often minor changes, the written versions correspond very closely to those recorded on the ca.s.sette tapes.
Many of the stories collected here were published in the Oshkaabewis Native Journal Oshkaabewis Native Journal with the original ca.s.sette. with the original ca.s.sette. The Oshkaabewis Native Journal The Oshkaabewis Native Journal ( (ONJ) is the only academic journal of the Ojibwe language. It includes numerous stories and articles about linguistics and language acquisition. Many of the stories published in ONJ ONJ were also proofread by Earl Otchingwanigan. were also proofread by Earl Otchingwanigan.
I decided to present these stories in the double vowel orthography for a number of reasons. The double vowel system was developed in the early 1950s by C.E. Fiero and, over the past thirty years especially, has come to be the most frequently used system for writing Ojibwe in the United States. It is important to maintain orthographic consistency throughout the primary and secondary school systems, as having to learn different writing systems every time a student transfers can be frustrating and intimidating, not to mention stifling to the learning process.
The double vowel system is the most widely used orthography, but certainly not the only one. Some speakers use ”folk phonetics,” meaning that they write romanized spellings of Ojibwe words based on ”how they sound,” with very little consistency or thought given to the nature of the writing system. Other speakers, especially those in Canada, use a system called ”syllabics,” which has had a unique application in Algonquian languages and was developed almost one hundred years before the double vowel system.13 The problem with the syllabic orthography is that the symbols it uses are not found in any roman alphabet, forcing second language learners to study a separate set of symbols as well as a new language, p.r.o.nunciation, and grammar system. The double vowel system is well designed, easy to use, consistent, and accessible to all students of the language. The problem with the syllabic orthography is that the symbols it uses are not found in any roman alphabet, forcing second language learners to study a separate set of symbols as well as a new language, p.r.o.nunciation, and grammar system. The double vowel system is well designed, easy to use, consistent, and accessible to all students of the language.14 For a detailed description of the system, see John Nichols and Earl Otchingwanigan (Nyholm), For a detailed description of the system, see John Nichols and Earl Otchingwanigan (Nyholm), A Concise Dictionary of Minnesota Ojibwe A Concise Dictionary of Minnesota Ojibwe.15 The editing process is quite long and technical, and I have elected not to include editorial or textual notes in this book. Such editorial apparatus takes up a good deal of s.p.a.ce and is not consulted frequently. However, all handwritten transcription notes, editorial notes, drafts, and original Ojibwe recordings have been archived at the Minnesota Historical Society. They are available for public use by those interested in the transcription and editorial process and by those interested in listening to and using the ca.s.sette tapes. Many of the recordings have been published through the Oshkaabewis Native Journal Oshkaabewis Native Journal and are still in print. and are still in print.16
Acknowledgments.
This work and the process of creating it were fundamentally shaped by many people. This book was created by and is owned by the speakers who tell its stories. I am personally indebted to each one of them for their generosity and kindness in opening up to me and allowing their stories to be recorded. Miigwech Miigwech Archie Mosay, Jim Clark, Melvin Eagle, Joe Auginaush, Collins Oakgrove, Emma Fisher, Scott Headbird, Susan Jackson, Hartley White, and Porky White. Archie Mosay, Jim Clark, Melvin Eagle, Joe Auginaush, Collins Oakgrove, Emma Fisher, Scott Headbird, Susan Jackson, Hartley White, and Porky White.
Many people a.s.sisted with my transcription and editing work. Several stories were proofread by Earl Otchingwanigan and John Nichols. Miigwech Miigwech for your a.s.sistance and invaluable contributions. Thanks to d.i.c.k Barber, Connie Rivard, Betsy Schultz, and Dora Ammann for help in glossing certain words and place names. for your a.s.sistance and invaluable contributions. Thanks to d.i.c.k Barber, Connie Rivard, Betsy Schultz, and Dora Ammann for help in glossing certain words and place names. Miigwech Miigwech also to Louise Erdrich, who recorded many of Jim Clark's stories, and to Paul DeMain, who recorded one of Archie Mosay's stories. Your efforts and concern for the Ojibwe language have done much to bring this work to fruition. Many thanks to Shannon Pennefeather, Greg Britton, Ann Regan, and the editorial staff at MHS for your faith in and attention to this work. At times the laughter of many people can be heard on the tapes. I hope these written transcriptions can do the tellings justice. Thanks to Susie Headbird, Dora Ammann, Brooke Ammann, Veronica Hvezda, Henry Flocken, David Treuer, Madeline Treuer, Sean Fahrlander, Keller Paap, and Sheila LaFriniere for sharing in the fun. also to Louise Erdrich, who recorded many of Jim Clark's stories, and to Paul DeMain, who recorded one of Archie Mosay's stories. Your efforts and concern for the Ojibwe language have done much to bring this work to fruition. Many thanks to Shannon Pennefeather, Greg Britton, Ann Regan, and the editorial staff at MHS for your faith in and attention to this work. At times the laughter of many people can be heard on the tapes. I hope these written transcriptions can do the tellings justice. Thanks to Susie Headbird, Dora Ammann, Brooke Ammann, Veronica Hvezda, Henry Flocken, David Treuer, Madeline Treuer, Sean Fahrlander, Keller Paap, and Sheila LaFriniere for sharing in the fun.
I received three grants to buy recording equipment and to travel to record the stories in this book. Miigwech Miigwech to the Leech Lake Reservation Tribal Council, the Committee on Inst.i.tutional Cooperation, and the Minnesota Historical Society for their support of this endeavor. to the Leech Lake Reservation Tribal Council, the Committee on Inst.i.tutional Cooperation, and the Minnesota Historical Society for their support of this endeavor.
The process of recording, transcribing, and translating these stories has been paralleled by a personal spiritual journey for me. I was profoundly moved, motivated, and guided by many people. I especially want to thank Archie Mosay, Tom Stillday, and Earl Otchingwanigan, who devoted so much of their precious time and boundless wisdom to my endeavors. Miigwech Miigwech for your patience, wisdom, and support. Thanks also to my parents Robert Treuer and Margaret Treuer, my siblings Megan, Micah, and David, my daughter Madeline, my ex-wife Sheila LaFriniere, and my dear friends James Hardy, Adrian Liberty, Henry Flocken, Sean Fahrlander, Mike Montano, Jay Saros, Dan and Dennis Jones, Isadore Toulouse, Keller Paap, Lisa LaRange, and Shannon White for supporting me and my endeavors without question. Without their guidance and faith, this project and my personal journey would not have come nearly so far. for your patience, wisdom, and support. Thanks also to my parents Robert Treuer and Margaret Treuer, my siblings Megan, Micah, and David, my daughter Madeline, my ex-wife Sheila LaFriniere, and my dear friends James Hardy, Adrian Liberty, Henry Flocken, Sean Fahrlander, Mike Montano, Jay Saros, Dan and Dennis Jones, Isadore Toulouse, Keller Paap, Lisa LaRange, and Shannon White for supporting me and my endeavors without question. Without their guidance and faith, this project and my personal journey would not have come nearly so far.
Notes.
1.As cited in census data taken fromand John Nichols, ”Ojibwa Language,” in Frederick Hoxie, Encyclopedia of North American Indians Encyclopedia of North American Indians (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1996), 44041. (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1996), 44041.
2.Mary Losure, ”Saving Ojibwe.” National Public Radio: December 26, 1996.
3.Sweetgra.s.s First Nations Language Council, ”Sample of Fluent Native Speakers in Southern Ontario,” Aboriginal Languages Development in Southern Ontario: Interim Report Aboriginal Languages Development in Southern Ontario: Interim Report, October 1994; Joe Chosa, interview, 1997.