Part 28 (1/2)

Ardent antislavery ation in the schools was undemocratic They asserted that the colored people would never have made such a request had the teachers of the public schools taken the proper interest in the since been convinced that the white people would not ave their own This arrangeislature then passed an act declaring that the schools of the State should be open to all persons alike between the ages of four and sixteen, and that no person should be denied instruction in any public school in his school district on account of race or color[1]

[Footnote 1: _Public Acts of the General assembly of Conn_, 1868, p

296]

In the State of Massachusetts the contest was most ardent Boston opened its first primary school for colored children in 1820 In other towns like Salem and Nantucket, New Bedford and Lowell, where the colored population was also considerable, the same policy was carried out[1] Soroes and their friends saw the error of their early advocacy of the establish charity After the change in the attitude toward the public free schools and the further development of caste in Ale between leaders deteres to the use of poorly equipped separate schools and those contending for equality in education

[Footnote 1: _Minority Report_, etc, p 35]

Basing their action on the equality of men before the law, the advocates of des froent petitions to school coroes were accepted in the public schools in all towns in Massachusetts except Boston[1] Children of African blood were successfully admitted to the New Bedford schools on equality with the white youth in 1838[2] In 1846 the school coular in their attendance, and as successful in their work as the whites There were then ninety in all in that systerammar schools, and the re scattered in such a way as to have one to four in twenty-one to twenty-eight schools At Lowell the children of a colored fareatest favorites in the systeister_, vol lxvi, p

320]

[Footnote 2: _Minority Report_, etc, p 23]

[Footnote 3: _Minority Report_, etc, p 25]

The consolidation of the colored school of Sale of the democracy of these schools in 1846 Mr Richard Fletcher said: ”The principle of perfect equality is the vital principle of the systeether The rich and the poor meet on terms of equality and are prepared by the sae the duties of life It is the principle of equality cherished in the free schools on which our government and free institutions rest Destroy this principle in the schools and the people would soon cease to be free” At Nantucket, however, some trouble was experienced because of the admission of pupils of color in 1843 Certain patrons criticized the action adversely and withdrew fourteen of their children from the South Grammar School The system, however, prospered thereafter rather than declined[1] Many had no trouble in e[2]

[Footnote 1: _Ibid_, p 6]

[Footnote 2: _Ibid_, p 23]

These victories having been won in other towns of the State by 1846, it soon became evident that Boston would have to yield Not only were abolitionists pointing to the ease hich this gain had beenattention to the fact that in these s the fundah school Boston, which had a larger black population than all other towns in Massachusetts combined, had never seen a colored pupil prepared for a secondary institution in one of its public schools It was, therefore, evident to fair-roes would derive practically no benefit froitation for the abolition of caste in the public schools assu the forties The abolitionists then organized a more strenuous opposition to the caste syste tax to support the schools of Boston should be turned away from a public school simply because they were persons of color was a problem too difficult for a fair-minded man[1] The war of words came, however, when in response to a petition of Edmund Jackson, HJ

Bowditch, and other citizens for the admission of colored people to the public schools in 1844, the majority of the school co the opinion of Chandler, their solicitor, they based their action ofdistinction in the public schools on the natural distinction of the races, which ”no legislature, no social custoling in the public schools disadvantageous both to them and to the whites”[2] Questioned as to any positive law providing for such discriave his opinion that the School Committee of Boston, under the authority perhaps of the City Council, had a legal right to establish and maintain special primary schools for the blacks He believed, too, that in the exercise of their lawful discretionary power they could exclude white pupils from certain schools and colored pupils froment, the best interests of all would thereby be proham, _The Antislavery Cause in America_, p 103]

[Footnote 2: _Minority Report_, etc, p 31]

[Footnote 3: _Ibid_, p 30]

Encouraged by the fact that colored children were indiscriminately admitted to the schools of Salem, Nantucket, New Bedford, and Lowell, in fact, of every city in Massachusetts but Boston, the friends of the colored people fearlessly attacked the false legal theories of Solicitor Chandler The ued that schools are the coally entitled without ”let or hindrance” to the equal benefits of all advantages they ht confer[1] Any action, therefore, which tended to restrict to any individual or class the advantages and benefits designed for all, was an illegal use of authority, and an arbitrary act used for pernicious purposes[2] Their republican systeal rights upon every citizen, knew neither privileged nor degraded classes, made no distinctions, and created no differences between rich and poor, learned and ignorant, or white and black, but extended to all alike its protection and benefits[3] The minority considered it a merit of the school system that it produced the fusion of all classes, pro of brotherhood, and the habits of equality The power of the School Coeneral spirit of the civil policy and by the letter and spirit of the lahich regulated the system[4] It was further es, even if they were assured the same external results, would be a sore injustice and would serve as the suresta prejudice which should be deprecated and discountenanced by all intelligent and Christian men[5]

[Footnote 1: _Ibid_, p 3]

[Footnote 2: _Minority Report_, etc pp 4 and 5]

[Footnote 3: _Ibid_, pp 3 _et seq_]

[Footnote 4: _Ibid_, p 4]

[Footnote 5: _Ibid_, p 5]

To the sophistry of Chandler, Wendell Phillips also al body, the School Co their fellow-citizens as the law recognized and pointed out Phillips believed that they had precedents for the difference of age and sex, for regulation of health, etc, but that when they opened their eyes to the varied complexion, to difference of race, to diversity of creed, to distinctions of caste, they would seek in vain through the laws and institutions of Massachusetts for any recognition of their prejudice He deplored the fact that they had atteenant to the State constitution, and that what the sovereignty of the constitution dared not attempt a school committee accomplished To Phillips it seemed crassly inconsistent to say that races permitted to intermarry should be debarred by Mr Chandler's ”sapient committee”

from educational contact[1]

[Footnote 1: _Minority Report_, etc, p 27]

This agitation continued until 1855 when the opposition had grown too strong to be longer resisted The legislature of Massachusetts then enacted a law providing that in deter the qualifications of a scholar to be admitted to any public school no distinction should be ious opinion of the applicant It was further provided that a child excluded froes against the offending town[1]