Part 85 (1/2)
CHAPTER XL.
THE PRESIDENTIAL NOMINATION IN 1880.
Talk of Grant for President for a Third Term--His Triumphal Return from a Trip Around the World--The Candidacy of Mr. Blaine and Myself --Many of My Opponents Those Who Disagreed with Me on Financial Questions--Accused of Being a Catholic and of Using Patronage to Aid in My Nomination--My Replies--Delay in Holding the Ohio State Convention--My Interview with Garfield--Resolution of the State Convention in My Favor--National Convention at Chicago, on June 2, 1880--Fatal Move of Nine Ohio Delegates for Blaine--Final Nomination of Garfield--Congratulations--Letter to Governor Foster and to Garfield--Wade Hampton and the ”Ku-Klux Klan.”
During the entire period of this session of Congress the nomination for President by the Republican national convention was naturally the chief subject of interest in political circles. General Grant returned from his voyage around the world arriving in San Francisco in December, 1879, and from that time until he reached Was.h.i.+ngton his progress was a grand popular ovation. He had been received in every country through which he pa.s.sed, especially in China and j.a.pan, with all the honors that could be conferred upon a monarch.
He made no open declaration of his candidacy, but it was understood that he was very willing to again accept the office of President.
His friends openly avowed their intention to support him, and answered the popular objection against a third term by the fact that a term had intervened since he last held the office. Mr.
Blaine was also an avowed candidate and had strong supporters in every part of the Union. My name was mentioned as a candidate, and it was generally supposed that one of the three would be the nominee of the Republican convention. I soon found that the fact that I held an office which compelled me to express my opinions was a drawback rather than a benefit, and, while I had the natural ambition to attain such a distinction, I was handicapped by my official position.
The friends of General Grant succeeded in getting control of the national committee and could dictate the time and place for holding the convention. Senator Cameron was chosen chairman of that committee. He openly avowed his preference for the nomination of General Grant, and exercised all his influence and power to promote it. It was decided to hold the convention on the 2nd of June, 1880, at Chicago.
The chief topic of all the newspapers and politicians was the merits and demerits of the three candidates then recognized as the persons from whom the choice was to be made. Every charge against either the personal character or conduct of each was canva.s.sed with the broadest license, and often with great injustice. The life and conduct of General Grant were a.n.a.lyzed, and praised or blamed according to the bias of the speaker or writer. Mr. Blaine always had a warm and ardent support by the younger Republicans in every part of the United States. His brilliant and das.h.i.+ng manner and oratory made him a favorite with all the young and active politicians, but, as he was a bold and active fighter, he had enemies as well as friends. My strength and weakness grew out of my long service in the House, Senate and cabinet, but, as my chief active work was connected with the financial questions, upon which men of all parties differed widely, I had to encounter the objections of all who were opposed to my views on these questions. The idea was that in the certain contest between Grant and Blaine I might be nominated, in case either of them should fail to receive a majority of the votes cast in the convention.
It is scarcely worth while to point out the changes of opinion during the popular discussion that preceded the meeting of the convention of which every newspaper was full, the discussion being universal. Votes were taken and expression of opinion sought in every community in the United States.
My letter book at this time became a curious mixture of business and politics, so that I was early compelled to ask two of my personal friends to take an office, which I furnished them in the Corcoran building in Was.h.i.+ngton, to answer such letters as grew out of the contest, and as a place where conferences could be held by persons interested in my nomination. In this way I severed all connection between my duties in the treasury and the necessary correspondence caused by my being named as a candidate for President. I was at once charged in the newspaper and even by personal letters, with all sorts of misdemeanors, of which I was not guilty, but which I felt it a humiliation to reply to or even to notice. Among the first was a statement that in some way or other I was under the influence of the Catholic church, and was giving Catholics an undue share of appointments. My answer is here inserted, not as important, but as a specimen of many such communications upon various subjects:
”March 1, 1880.
”My Dear Sir:--Your note of the 20th is received.
”I appreciate your kindness and frankness and will be equally frank with you.
”There is not one shadow of ground for the suspicion stated by you.
I was born, bred, educated and ingrained as a Protestant and never had any affinity, directly or indirectly, with the Catholic church, but share the common feelings and prejudices of Protestants against the special dogmas and rites of that church. Still I believe the Catholics have as good a right to their opinions, their mode of wors.h.i.+p, and religious belief as we have, and I would not weaken or impair the full freedom of religious belief, or make any contest against them on account of it for all the offices in Christendom.
I have no sympathy whatever with the narrow dogmatic hate and prejudice of Mr. Cowles on this subject, though no doubt much of this is caused by the unfortunate fact that his daughter has become a Catholic, and I am charitable enough to take this into consideration when thinking of him. Mrs. General Sherman, it is true, is a Catholic. She was born so and will remain so. She is a good Catholic, however, in good wishes and good works, but has also too much of the dogmatism and intolerance of a sectarian for my ideas.
She neither claims to have nor has any sort of influence over me.
”It is a mean business to get up such a prejudice against me when men are so ashamed of it that they are afraid to avow it.
”Very truly yours, ”John Sherman.
”Hon. Geo. H. Foster, Cleveland, Ohio.”
Another allegation made was that I was using the patronage of my office to aid in my nomination. In regard to this I wrote as follows to a friend:
”I think the impression has been made upon the public mind that the patronage of this department has been used in my favor. This ought to be met. Of the two men who parcel out the patronage of this department, one, General Raum, commissioner of internal revenue, is a known personal friend of General Grant, appointed by him, and the great majority of the officers under that bureau are believed to be for General Grant. I have not sought to control any of them.
McCormick, my first a.s.sistant secretary, was a known Blaine man.
The second, Hawley, was a known personal friend of General Grant, and recently resigned to run for nomination as Governor of Illinois.
McPherson, a known Blaine man, was chief of the bureau of engraving and printing, which employs some seven hundred people. The officers named have practically made all the appointments in the treasury other than the presidential ones. Probably no one who ever held my position has ever been so utterly indifferent to the distribution of patronage, except that I always insisted that good Republicans should be appointed to every position, small or great. I never inquired who they were for for President. In official letters, a copy of one of which I could furnish you if desired, I gave distinct instructions that I would not permit anyone to remain in the service who was making himself obnoxious to citizens generally, by pressing my claims or advocating my nomination for President by the next national convention, or by opposing me.”
I also soon learned that nearly every applicant whose appointment I could not give or secure harbored this as a reason why I should not be nominated for President, and in three or four cases where the applicants were men of influence they opposed the selection of delegates friendly to me. I do not mention any names, for most of these gentlemen, years afterwards, became my warm friends.
I early announced that unless the State of Ohio would give me a substantial indors.e.m.e.nt, my name would not be presented to the convention. James S. Robinson was the chairman of the state committee and A. L. Conger was a prominent member. They disagreed as to the time of holding the state convention for the appointment of delegates to the national convention, which my friends were anxious to have at as early a period as possible, so that the position of Ohio might be known to, and possibly influence the action of, other states. The disagreement between these two gentlemen resulted in a postponement of the convention until a period so late that before it met most of the delegations were selected by the other states. That was thought to be inimical to my success, and led to ill-will and contention. Governor Dennison and Governor Foster had frankly and openly avowed their purpose to support my nomination, and actively did so. They advised me of the condition of opinion from time to time, and early represented that I might reasonably expect the support of all the districts, except perhaps those represented by Garfield and McKinley, and the Toledo district.
I went to Mansfield on private business about the latter part of March, and as usual was called upon to make a speech, which I did, at Miller's Hall, on the 31st of March, and which was reported in full at the time. I stated my position in regard to the nomination, as follows:
”By the course of recent events, and not by my own seeking, my name is mentioned among those from whom the Republican party will select one to carry its banner in the approaching presidential contest.
It is not egotistic to state this fact, and it would not be manly to shrink from the criticism and scrutiny which such a choice necessarily invites and provokes.