Part 13 (1/2)
This is shaking hands with iniquity, and covering sin with a silver veil. Our prejudice against the blacks is founded in sheer pride; and it originates in the circ.u.mstance that people of their color only, are universally allowed to be slaves. We made slavery, and slavery makes the prejudice. No christian, who questions his own conscience, can justify himself in indulging the feeling. The removal of this prejudice is not a matter of opinion--it is a matter of _duty_. We have no right to palliate a feeling, sinful in itself, and highly injurious to a large number of our fellow-beings. Let us no longer act upon the narrow-minded idea, that we must always continue to do wrong, because we have so long been in the habit of doing it. That there is no _necessity_ for the prejudice is shown by facts. In England, it exists to a much less degree than it does here. If a respectable colored person enters a church there, the pews are readily opened to him; if he appears at an inn, room is made for him at the table, and no laughter, or winking, reminds him that he belongs to an outcast race. A highly respectable English gentleman residing in this country has often remarked that nothing filled him with such utter astonishment as our prejudice with regard to color. There is now in old England a negro, with whose name, parentage, and history, I am well acquainted, who was sold into West Indian slavery by his New-England master; (I know _his_ name.) The unfortunate negro became free by the kindness of an individual, and has now a handsome little property and the command of a vessel. He must take care not to come into the ports of our Southern republics!--The anecdote of Prince Saunders is well known; but it will bear repeating. He called upon an American family, then residing in London. The fas.h.i.+onable breakfast hour was very late, and the family were still seated at the table. The lady fidgetted between the contending claims of politeness and prejudice. At last, when all but herself had risen from the table, she said, as if struck by a sudden thought, ”Mr. Saunders, I forgot to ask if you had breakfasted.” ”I thank you, madam,” replied the colored gentleman; ”but I have engaged to breakfast with the Prince Regent this morning.”
Mr. Wilberforce and Mr. Brougham have often been seen in the streets of London, walking arm in arm with people of color. The same thing is true of Brissot, La Fayette, and several other distinguished Frenchmen. In this city, I never but once saw such an instance: When the Philadelphia company were here last summer, I met one of the officers walking arm in arm with a fine-looking black musician. The circ.u.mstance gave me a good deal of respect for the white man; for I thought he must have kind feelings and correct principles, thus fearlessly to throw off a worse than idle prejudice.
In Brazil, people of color are lawyers, clergymen, merchants and military officers; and in the Portuguese, as well as the Spanish settlements, intermarriages bring no degradation. On the sh.o.r.es of the Levant, some of the wealthiest merchants are black. If we were accustomed to see intelligent and polished negroes, the prejudice would soon disappear. There is certainly no law of our nature which makes a _dark color_ repugnant to our feelings. We admire the swarthy beauties of Spain; and the finest forms of statuary are often preferred in bronze. If the whole world were allowed to vote on the question, there would probably be a plurality in favor of complexions decidedly dark.
Every body knows how much the Africans were amused at the sight of Mungo Park, and what an ugly misfortune they considered his pale color, prominent nose, and thin lips.
Ought we to be called Christians, if we allow a prejudice so absurd to prevent the improvement of a large portion of the human race, and interfere with what all civilized nations consider the most common rights of mankind? It cannot be that my enlightened and generous countrymen will sanction any thing so narrow-minded and so selfish.
Having found much fault with the Colonization Society, it is pleasant to believe that one portion of their enterprise affords a distant prospect of doing more good than evil. They now princ.i.p.ally seek to direct the public attention to the founding of a colony in Africa; and this may prove beneficial in process of time. If the colored emigrants were _educated_ before they went there, such a Colony would tend slowly, but certainly, to enlighten Africa, to raise the character of the negroes, to strengthen the increasing liberality of public opinion, and to check the diabolical slave-trade. If the Colonizationists will work zealously and judiciously in this department, pretend to do nothing more, and let others work in another and more efficient way, they will deserve the thanks of the country; but while it is believed that they do all the good which _can_ be done in this important cause, they will do more harm in America, than they can atone for in Africa.
Very different pictures are drawn of Liberia; one party represents it as thriving beyond description, the other insists that it will soon fall into ruin. It is but candid to suppose that the colony is going on as well as could possibly be expected, when we consider that the emigrants are almost universally ignorant and vicious, without property, and without habits of industry or enterprise. The colored people in our slave States must, almost without exception, be dest.i.tute of information; and in choosing negroes to send away, the masters would be very apt to select the most helpless and the most refractory. Hence the superintendents of Liberia have made reiterated complaints of being flooded with s.h.i.+ploads of ”vagrants.” These causes are powerful drawbacks. But the negroes in Liberia have schools and churches, and they have freedom, which, wherever it exists, is always striving to work its upward way.
There is a palpable contradiction in some of the statements of this Society.
”We are told that the Colonization Society is to civilize and evangelize Africa. '_Each emigrant_,' says Henry Clay, the ablest advocate which the Society has yet found, '_is a missionary_, carrying with him _credentials_ in the holy cause of civilization, religion and free inst.i.tutions!!'”
”Who are these emigrants--these _missionaries_?”
”The Free people of color. 'They, and they _only_,' says the African Repository, 'are QUALIFIED for colonizing Africa.'”
What are their _qualifications_? Let the Society answer in its own words:
”'Free blacks are a greater nuisance than even slaves themselves.'”--_African Repository_, vol. ii, p. 328.
”'A horde of miserable people--the objects of universal suspicion--subsisting by plunder.'”--_C. F. Mercer._
”'An anomalous race of beings, the most debased upon earth.'”--_African Repository_, vol. vii, p. 230.
”'Of all cla.s.ses of our population the most vicious is that of the free colored.'”--_Tenth Annual Report of Colonization Society._
An Education Society has been formed in connection with the Colonization Society, and their complaint is princ.i.p.ally that they cannot find proper subjects for instruction. Why cannot such subjects be found? Simply because our ferocious prejudices compel the colored children to grow up in ignorance and vicious companions.h.i.+p, and when we seek to educate them, we find their minds closed against the genial influence of knowledge.
When I heard of the Education Society, I did hope to find one instance of _sincere_, _thorough disinterested_ good-will for the blacks. But in the const.i.tution of that Society, I again find the selfish principle predominant. They pledge themselves to educate no colored persons unless they are solemnly bound to _quit the country_. The abolitionists are told that they must wait till the slaves are more fit for freedom. But if this system is pursued, when are they to be more fit for freedom?--Never--never--to the end of time.
Whatever other good the Colonization Society may do, it seems to me evident that they do not produce _any_ beneficial effect on the condition of colored people in America; and indirectly they produce much evil.
In a body so numerous as the Colonization Society, there is, of course, a great variety of character and opinions. I presume that many among them believe the ultimate tendency of the Society to be very different from what it really is. Some slave-owners encourage it because they think it cannot decrease slavery, and will keep back the inconvenient crisis when free labor will be cheaper than slave labor; others of the same cla.s.s join it because they really want to do some act of kindness to the unfortunate African race, and all the country insist upon it that this is the only way; some politicians in the free States countenance it from similar motives, and because less cautious measures might occasion a loss of Southern votes and influence; the time-serving cla.s.s--so numerous in every community,--who are always ready to flatter existing prejudices, and sail smoothly along the current of popular favor, join it, of course; but I am willing to believe that the largest proportion belong to it, because they have compa.s.sionate hearts, are fearful of injuring their Southern brethren, and really think there is no other way of doing so much good to the negroes. With this last-mentioned cla.s.s, I sympathize in feeling, but differ in opinion.
The Anti-Slavery Society was formed in January, 1832. Its objects are distinctly stated in the second Article of their const.i.tution, which is as follows:
”ART. 2. The objects of the Society shall be, to endeavor by all means sanctioned by law, humanity and religion, to effect the abolition of slavery in the United States; to improve the character and condition of the free people of color, to inform and correct public opinion in relation to their situation and rights, and obtain for them equal civil and political rights and privileges with the whites.”
From this it will be seen that they think it a duty to give colored people all possible means of education, and instead of removing them away from the prejudice, to remove the prejudice away from them.
They lay it down as a maxim that immediate emanc.i.p.ation is the only just course, and the only safe policy. They say that slavery is a common evil, and therefore there is a common right to investigate it, and search for modes of relief. They say that New-England shares, and ever has shared, in this national sin, and is therefore bound to atone for the mischief, as far as it can be done.
The strongest reason why the Anti-Slavery Society wish for the emanc.i.p.ation of slaves, is because they think no other course can be pursued which does not, in its very nature, involve a constant violation of the laws of G.o.d. In the next place, they believe there is no other sure way of providing for the safety of the white population in the slave States. I know that many of the planters affect to laugh at the idea of fearing their slaves; but why are their laws framed with such cautious vigilance? Why must not negroes of different plantations communicate together? Why are they not allowed to be out in the evening, or to carry even a stick to defend themselves, in case of necessity?
In the Virginia Legislature a gentleman said, ”It was high time for something to be done when men did not dare to open their own doors without pistols at their belts;” and Mr. Randolph has publicly declared that a planter was merely ”a sentry at his own door.”
Mr. Roane, of Virginia, asks,--”Is there an intelligent man who does not know that this _excess_ of slavery is increasing, and will continue to increase in a ratio which is alarming in the extreme, and must overwhelm our descendants in ruin? Why then should we shut our eyes and turn our backs upon the evil? Will delay render it less gigantic, or give us more Herculean strength to meet and subdue it at a future time? Oh, no--delay breeds danger--procrastination is the thief of time, and the refuge of sluggards.”