Part 5 (1/2)
American troops continued to be landed, at Puerto Plata on June 5; at Monte Cristi on June 19; and at other seaports as necessity demanded, until a total of about 1800 marines had been disembarked. They proceeded into the interior, taking over the preservation of public order and disarming the inhabitants. They advanced on foot, in improvised motor trucks, and as real ”horse marines,” in accordance with a plan to secure thorough pacification by having them appear in all parts of the country. The American marines met with no serious opposition except in the Cibao, in the section between Monte Cristi, Puerto Plata and Santiago, where the following of Arias was strongest.
To clear this section two columns were launched from the seacoast with Santiago as the objective, the first of 800 men from Monte Cristi, the second of about 200 men from Puerto Plata, the entire force being under command of Brigadier-General Joseph H. Pendleton. The expeditionary force from Monte Cristi, under Colonel Dunlop, advanced along the highway, which was little more than a muddy trail through a jungle of cactus and th.o.r.n.y brush, and several Americans were shot from ambush. Repeatedly small detachments of rebels made a stand upon some favorable piece of ground, until routed by the marines. The decisive encounter took place on July 1, 1916, at Guayacanes, near Esperanza, where a force of 400 marines after a stubborn fight carried a strongly entrenched position defended by about 300 rebels. The American losses were 1 enlisted man killed and 1 officer and 7 enlisted men wounded; the rebels are estimated to have lost several score between killed and wounded, their leader, Maximito Cabral, being killed fighting in the trenches after all his men were dead or driven off.
The second column, from Puerto Plata, under Major Bearss, opened up the railroad, encountering its princ.i.p.al resistance at the tunnel south of Altamira. The two columns joined forces at Navarrete and then occupied Santiago. All the insurgents eventually dispersed or surrendered, and Arias himself submitted to the American military control, which became absolute throughout the country. The total American losses in occupying the country were 3 officers killed and 3 wounded and 4 enlisted men killed and 12 wounded; the losses of the insurgents are estimated at between 100 and 300 killed and wounded.
The Dominican Congress proceeded on July 25, 1916, to elect a temporary president, and chose Dr. Francisco Henriquez Carvajal, a distinguished physician and highly cultured man. It was understood that he was to hold for six months and was not to seek reelection at the general election to be held within that time. The United States government, however, was loath to extend recognition unless a.s.sured that Santo Domingo would enter upon a path of order and progress. The fiscal treaty of 1907 had not secured the peace expected of it; the prohibition against the contracting of further indebtedness had been frequently violated; disorder and corruption had continued; and the American government deemed its task uncompleted if it should surrender the country to the same chaotic conditions. It accordingly required, as a condition of recognizing Henriquez, that a new treaty between the two countries be adopted, similar to the recently approved treaty between the United States and Haiti, where a series of revolutions culminating in a ma.s.sacre of prisoners had the year before obliged the American government to intervene. The princ.i.p.al features of this treaty were the collection of customs under American auspices, the appointment of an American financial adviser, and the establishment of a constabulary force officered by Americans.
Henriquez, jealous of his country's sovereignty and fearful that the proposed arrangement would make the Dominican government a puppet controlled by all-powerful and not sufficiently responsible American officials, refused to accede to the American demands. The American authorities thereupon declined to pay over any of the Republic's revenues to a government which they did not recognize. Inasmuch as they not only collected the customs and port dues, but had a.s.sumed control of the other revenues as well, the Henriquez government was left penniless. Nevertheless, the American demands continued to be rejected. As a result, no salaries were paid in any part of the Republic; the officials who continued in their duties did so with the hope of being compensated at some future date; some services, such as the mail service, were discontinued almost entirely; and the whole machinery of the government was paralyzed.
This tension and anomalous condition lasted for several months. As the term for which Henriquez had been elected drew to a close, it became evident that he had no idea of retiring from the presidency, but, on the contrary, intended to hold general elections, in which he expected to be the successful candidate. The deadlock thus threatened to continue indefinitely, and the American government thereupon determined to cut the Gordian knot.
On November 29, 1916, Captain (later Rear-Admiral) H. S. Knapp, of the United States navy, commander of the American cruiser force in Dominican waters, and of the forces of occupation of the Dominican Republic, issued a proclamation, declaring the Dominican Republic under the military administration of the United States. The proclamation recited that the Dominican Republic had failed to live up to the terms of the treaty of 1907; that the American government had patiently endeavored to aid the Dominican government, but that the latter was not inclined or able to adopt the measures suggested, wherefore the American government believed the time at hand to take steps to a.s.sure the execution of said Convention and to maintain domestic tranquillity in the Republic. He therefore declared that the Dominican Republic was placed in a state of military occupation by the forces under his command; that the object of the occupation was not to destroy Dominican sovereignty, but to restore order; that Dominican laws were to continue in effect so far as they did not conflict with the objects of the occupation or the decrees of the military government; that the Dominican courts were to continue in their functions, except that offenses against the military government were to be judged by military courts; and that all the revenues of the Dominican government were to be paid over to the military government, which would administer the same. He called on all inhabitants to cooperate with the forces of the United States.
The military government so established took full possession of the country. The chiefs of the executive departments not having appeared in their offices, their posts were declared vacant and filled with officers of the American navy. In the country at large, there was little open opposition, and such as appeared was suppressed without difficulty. The inhabitants quickly reconciled themselves to the situation, realizing that it was to the best interests of their country. Dr. Henriquez, the ex-president, left for Cuba in the early part of December.
The military government thereupon proceeded to organize the finances, to pay arrears of salaries, to subdue several bandits who refused allegiance, and to confiscate all arms. Absolute order and security, greater than have prevailed in Santo Domingo since colonial days, were soon established. The military government then devoted itself to the construction of public works, especially roads, the organization of a police force, and in general to the improvement of the country.
After the Was.h.i.+ngton government determined to partic.i.p.ate in the European war, the American military governor on April 12, 1917, connected Santo Domingo with the war by canceling the exequaturs of the German consular representatives in the Dominican Republic; there was no formal rupture, as no diplomatic representative of either country was at the time residing in the other. German residents were subjected to surveillance by the American authorities.
The Dominican Republic is still (January, 1918) being administered by American naval officers and the work of reorganization continues.
Eventually--in all likelihood after the European war--the government is to be turned back to the Dominican people, and it is probable that such devolution will be under conditions that will a.s.sure a stable government, peace and progress.
CHAPTER VII
AREA AND BOUNDARIES
Area of Republics of Haiti and Santo Domingo.--Boundary disputes.--Harbors on north coast.--Character of sh.o.r.e.--Samana Bay.--Character of east and south coast.--Harbors of Macoris and Santo Domingo.--Ocoa Bay.--Islands.--Haitian frontier.
Of the great chain of islands which extends in a vast semi-circle from the southern coast of Florida to the northeastern coast of Venezuela, the second largest is the Island of Haiti or Santo Domingo, situated midway between Cuba and Porto Rico, and lying between lat.i.tude 1736'40” and 1958'20” north and longitude 6818' and 7451' west of Greenwich. The island is bounded by the Atlantic Ocean on the north, the Mona Channel on the east, the Caribbean Sea on the south, and the Windward Pa.s.sage on the west. The nearest point of Porto Rico is 54 miles distant, of Cuba 50 miles, of Jamaica 90 miles and of Venezuela, the nearest country on the South American continent, 480 miles. The distance from Puerto Plata, on the north coast of the island, to New York is 1255 miles, to Havana 710 miles, and to Southampton 3925 miles. The distance from Santo Domingo City to San Juan, Porto Rico, is 230 miles, to La Guayra 500 miles, and to Colon 810 miles.
The island is divided between two political ent.i.ties, the western one, comprising one-third of its surface, being the Republic of Haiti, while the eastern one is popularly known as Santo Domingo or San Domingo, though it is officially termed the Dominican Republic. These two republics present at once interesting resemblances and contrasts.
They are separated by no natural bounds; their soil, resources, and political conditions are similar; but while in Haiti the language and historical a.s.sociations are French and the numerically predominant race stock is black, in Santo Domingo, on the other hand, the language and historical a.s.sociations are Spanish, and the mulatto rather than the black is most in evidence.
The area of the island is generally stated at 28,249 square miles, of which Haiti is credited with 10,204 square miles and the Dominican Republic with 18,045 square miles. Since no part of the island has ever been carefully surveyed, such figures can be regarded as only approximately correct. The Dominican Republic is therefore about as large as the States of New Hamps.h.i.+re and Vermont together, less than half as large as Cuba and more than five times the size of Porto Rico.
In the above estimate of the area of the two Republics no account is taken of their reciprocal claims to further lands. Each claims about 1500 square miles occupied by the other. The Dominicans affirm they have a right to the plain of Hinche and St. Raphael, comprising some of the finest agricultural lands on the island. They contend that Haiti is ent.i.tled only to the territory embraced in the confines of the old French colony of Saint-Domingue. Under the treaty of Aranjuez, of June 3, 1777, the boundaries of the French and Spanish colonies on the Island of Santo Domingo were carefully defined and marked by monuments. In 1795 the Spanish colony was ceded to France; but when in 1804 the Haitians declared the independence of the island, they were able to control little more than the old French portion, most of the old Spanish portion remaining in the possession of France. The boundary line remained unchanged when the old Spanish portion again came under the rule of Spain in 1809. In 1822 Haitian rule was extended over the entire island, but in 1844, when the inhabitants of the eastern portion proclaimed their independence their declaration comprised the whole of the old Spanish part of the island. The Haitian government made strenuous efforts to reconquer the revolting provinces, with the final result that it was able to retain and still retains 1500 square miles more than belonged to the former French colony. This is the portion still claimed by Santo Domingo.
On the other hand, the Haitians, based on alleged boundary conditions and tentative arrangements in 1856 and 1874, claim a strip of land now occupied by Santo Domingo lying along the border and also aggregating about 1500 square miles. Maps published in Haiti always show the boundary line from five to forty miles further east than it is in reality.
Arbitration has repeatedly been suggested to determine the boundary, and efforts were made in 1895 to submit the question to the Pope and in 1911 to resort to The Hague, but without success.
The Haitians have not only peopled and carefully guarded the territory controlled by them, but have attempted to push the frontier further east toward the line they claim. In 1911 and a year later, alleged encroachments by Haiti almost led to war between the two countries.
The United States interposed its good offices and in 1912 suggested as provisional boundary, until otherwise determined by mutual agreement between the two countries, the line which was observed as boundary in 1905 when the American receiver general of customs took charge of the frontier custom-houses. Both countries agreeing, the line as suggested has since been regarded as the boundary and bids fair to become, with perhaps a few unimportant modifications, the permanent boundary between Haiti and Santo Domingo. The outlook for arbitration seems to be no better now than heretofore, nor is it probable that any court of arbitration would divest either Haiti or Santo Domingo of any considerable portion of the lands they have so long possessed.
The boundary disputes have not tended to improve the relations between the two countries, which formerly regarded each other with a hatred that has only in the past fifty years softened down to mutual distrust and dislike. It has frequently happened that the authorities of one country abetted insurrections in the other; and it was common practice for insurgents in either country to retreat across the border to recuperate in the other. In the Dominican revolutions of 1912 to 1914 several bands of revolutionists had permanent headquarters on the Haitian side.
The greatest breadth of the Dominican Republic, from the Morro of Monte Cristi to Cape Beata, is about 170 miles, the greatest length, from Cape Engano to the Haitian frontier, about 260 miles. The Republic has a coast line of about 940 miles, on which there are several good ports and large bays.
One of these is Manzanillo Bay, which lies at the extreme northwestern point of the Republic. Large and well protected, affording excellent anchorage for any cla.s.s of vessels, it is one of the best harbors and perhaps the most important point strategically, on the north coast of the island. It receives the waters of the Dajabon or Ma.s.sacre River, which const.i.tutes part of the boundary between Haiti and the Dominican Republic, and of the turbulent Yaque del Norte, which here forms a delta of considerable extent. Owing to the proximity of Monte Cristi the various projects for the establishment of a port and custom-house at this point have hitherto failed of realization.
Fifteen miles to the northeast of Manzanillo Bay is the ancient port of Monte Cristi, discovered by Columbus, in his vessel the Nina, on his first voyage. The great explorer landed here to examine the plain near the sh.o.r.e, and departed at dawn on January 6, 1493. The port of Monte Cristi is a large open bay with a fine roadstead, but the shallow water near the sh.o.r.e obliges vessels to anchor over a mile from land. On the eastern side the harbor is sheltered by a high promontory now known as El Morro, to which Columbus gave the name of Monte Cristi, after a remarkable profile, recalling the pictures of Christ, which is visible in the outlines of the mount to vessels entering the harbor. The isolated, treeless mountain under the usually cloudless sky of beautiful blue strongly recalls the b.u.t.tes of our Western plains.