Volume III Part 10 (2/2)
While Greeley, hesitating to undertake the mission himself, indulged in further correspondence with the President, James P. Jaquess, a Methodist clergyman and colonel of an Illinois regiment, with the knowledge of Lincoln, but without official authority except to pa.s.s the Union lines, obtained (July 17) an audience with Jefferson Davis, to whom he made overtures of peace. In the interview Davis declared that ”we are not fighting for slavery. We are fighting for independence, and that or extermination we will have. We will be free.
We will govern ourselves. We will do it if we have to see every Southern plantation sacked and every Southern city in flames.... Say to Mr. Lincoln from me that I shall at any time be pleased to receive proposals for peace on the basis of our independence. It will be useless to approach me with any other.”[975] It is known now that Jaquess' report was substantially correct, but at the time the peace advocate defiantly challenged its truth and the conservative was incredulous.
[Footnote 975: J.R. Gilmore (Kirke), _Down in Tennessee_, pp.
272-280.]
Meantime Greeley (July 16) proceeded to Niagara Falls. Thompson was not there and Clay had no authority to act. When the famous editor asked fresh instructions Lincoln sent John Hay, his private secretary, with the historic paper of July 18, which stopped further negotiations.[976] In this well-meant effort the President desired to convince his own party of the hopelessness of any satisfactory peace until the surrender of Lee's and Johnston's armies; but to the people, grieved by the death of loved ones, or oppressed by constant anxiety, his brief ultimatum seemed maladroit, while the men who favoured peace simply on condition of the restoration of the Union, without the abolition of slavery, resented his course as arbitrary and needlessly cruel.
[Footnote 976: ”To whom it may concern: Any proposition which embraces the restoration of peace, the integrity of the whole Union, and the abandonment of slavery, and which comes by and with an authority that can control the armies now at war against the United States will be received and considered by the executive government of the United States and will be met by liberal terms on other substantial and collateral points, and the bearer or bearers thereof shall have safe conduct both ways. Abraham Lincoln.”--Horace Greeley, _The American Conflict_, Vol. 2, p. 665; Appleton's _Cyclopaedia_, 1864, p. 780; Nicolay-Hay, _Abraham Lincoln_, Vol. 9, p. 192.]
Lincoln's unpopularity touched bottom at this moment. The dissatisfaction found expression in a secret call for a second national convention, to be held at Cincinnati on September 28, to nominate, if necessary, a new candidate for President.[977] This movement, vigorously promoted in Ohio by Salmon P. Chase, received cordial support in New York City. George Opd.y.k.e directed it, Horace Greeley heartily endorsed it, Daniel S. d.i.c.kinson favoured it, and Lucius Robinson and David Dudley Field sympathised with it.[978] Parke G.o.dwin and William Curtis Noyes, if unwilling to go as far as Opd.y.k.e and Greeley, would have welcomed Lincoln's withdrawal.[979] Roscoe Conkling, being advised of the scheme, promptly rejected it. ”I do not approve of the call or of the movement,” he wrote, ”and cannot sign it. For that reason it would not be proper or agreeable that I should be present at the conference you speak of.”[980]
[Footnote 977: ”The undersigned, citizens of the State of New York and unconditional supporters of the national government, convinced that a union of all loyal citizens of the United States upon the basis of a common patriotism is essential to the safety and honour of the country in this crisis of its affairs; that the present distraction and apathy which depress the friends of the Union threaten to throw the Government into the hands of its enemies; and that a convention of the people should be a.s.sembled to consider the state of the nation and to concentrate the union strength on some one candidate, who commands the confidence of the country, even by a new nomination if necessary; do therefore invite their fellow citizens ... to send delegates ... to a convention at Cincinnati on Wednesday, September 28, for friendly consultation, with the purpose above stated.”--New York _Sun_, June 30, 1889.]
[Footnote 978: Under date of Aug. 18, 1864, Greeley wrote Opd.y.k.e: ”I must go out of town to-morrow and cannot attend the meeting at your house. Allow me to say a word. Mr. Lincoln is already beaten. He cannot be elected. We must have another ticket to save us from utter overthrow. And such a ticket we ought to have anyhow, with or without a convention.”--_Ibid._
On August 26, d.i.c.kinson declared that ”the cry for a change, whether wise or ill founded, should be both heard and heeded.”--_Ibid._
On August 29, Lucius Robinson regretted ”that it will be impossible for me to be present at the meeting at Mr. Field's to-morrow evening.... McClellan will be the next President unless Lincoln is at once withdrawn.”--_Ibid._]
[Footnote 979: Nicolay-Hay, _Abraham Lincoln_, Vol. 9, p. 366.]
[Footnote 980: New York _Sun_, June 30, 1889.]
It is doubtful if Lincoln knew of this conspiracy, but his friends informed him of the critical condition of affairs. ”When, ten days ago, I told Mr. Lincoln that his re-election was an impossibility,”
Weed wrote Seward on August 22, ”I told him the information would also come through other channels. It has doubtless reached him ere this. At any rate n.o.body here doubts it, nor do I see anybody from other States who authorises the slightest hope of success. The people are wild for peace. They are told the President will only listen to terms of peace on condition that slavery be abandoned.”[981] Weed's ”other channels” meant a report from the Republican National Executive Committee, which Raymond, then its chairman, submitted to Lincoln on August 22. ”The tide is setting strongly against us,” he wrote. ”Hon.
E.B. Washburn writes that 'were an election to be held now in Illinois we should be beaten.' Mr. Cameron says that Pennsylvania is against us. Governor Morton writes that nothing but the most strenuous efforts can carry Indiana. This State, according to the best information I can get, would go 50,000 against us to-morrow. And so of the rest. Two special causes are a.s.signed for this great reaction in public sentiment--the want of military successes, and the impression in some minds, the fear and suspicion in others, that we are not to have peace in any event under this Administration until slavery is abandoned. In some way or other the suspicion is widely diffused that we can have peace with Union if we would. It is idle to reason with this belief--still more idle to denounce it. It can only be expelled by some authoritative act at once bold enough to fix attention, and distinct enough to defy incredulity and challenge respect.”[982]
[Footnote 981: Nicolay-Hay, _Abraham Lincoln_, Vol. 9, p. 250.]
[Footnote 982: _Ibid._, p. 218.]
In December, 1860, in the presence of threatened war Lincoln refused to yield to a compromise that would extend slavery into free territory; now, in the presence of failure at the polls, he insisted upon a peace that would abolish slavery. In 1860 he was flushed with victory; in 1864 he was depressed by the absence of military achievement. But he did not weaken. He telegraphed Grant to ”hold on with a bulldog grip, _and chew and choke as much as possible_,”[983]
and then, in the silence of early morning, with Raymond's starless letter on the table before him, he showed how coolly and magnanimously a determined patriot could face political overthrow. ”This morning, as for some days past,” he wrote, ”it seems exceedingly probable that this Administration will not be re-elected. Then it will be my duty to so cooperate with the President-elect as to save the Union between the election and the inauguration, as he will have secured his election on such ground that he cannot possibly save it afterwards.”[984]
[Footnote 983: _Lincoln's Complete Works_, Vol. 2, p. 563.]
[Footnote 984: Nicolay-Hay, _Abraham Lincoln_, Vol. 9, p. 251.]
The influence of this popular discouragement exhibited itself in a ma.s.s peace convention, called by Fernando Wood and held at Syracuse on August 18. Its great attraction was Clement L. Vallandigham of Ohio, its platform favoured an armistice and a convention of States, and its purpose was the selection of a delegation to Chicago, which should adequately represent the peace faction of the State. The absence of military achievement and the loud cries for peace, it was claimed, had changed the conditions since the adjournment of the Democratic State convention in February, and the necessity for a third party was conceded should the existing peace sentiment be ignored in the formulation of a platform and the selection of candidates at Chicago.
Although the a.s.sembly indicated no preference for President, its known partiality for Seymour added to its strength. Through the manipulation of Richmond and the Regency, Wood failed to secure the appointment of delegates, but he claimed, with much show of truth, that the meeting represented the sentiment of a great majority of the party. Wood had become intolerable to Dean Richmond and the conservative Democracy, whose withering opposition to his candidacy for the United States Senate in the preceding February had made him ridiculous; but he could not be muzzled, and although his influence rarely disturbed the party in the up-State counties, he was destined to continue in Congress the rest of his life, which ended in 1881.
The Democratic national convention had been called for July 4, but the popular depression, promising greater advantage later in the summer, led to its postponement until August 29. Thus it convened when gloom and despondency filled the land, making Horatio Seymour's journey to Chicago an ovation. At every stop, especially at Detroit, crowds, cheers, speeches, and salvos of firearms greeted him. The convention city recognised him as its most distinguished visitor, and the opponents of a war policy, voicing the party's sentiment for peace, publicly proclaimed him their favourite.
Before Seymour left Albany the _Argus_ announced that he would not be a candidate;[985] but now, flattered by attention, and encouraged by the peace-faction's strategic movement, he declined to indicate his position. Political conditions had made a profound impression upon him. Moreover, deep in his heart Seymour did not fancy McClellan. His public life had been brief, and his accomplishment little either as a soldier or civilian. Besides, his arrest of the Maryland Legislature, and his indifference to the sacredness of the writ of _habeas corpus_, cla.s.sing him among those whom the Governor had bitterly denounced, tended to destroy the latter's strongest argument against the Lincoln administration.
[Footnote 985: ”The announcement in the Albany _Argus_ that Governor Seymour was not a candidate was written by Seymour himself, and taken to the _Argus_ by his private secretary. It is now announced that it was intended as a feeler. The whole force of the opposition to McClellan is centred in this move for Seymour.”--New York _Herald_ (Chicago despatch), August 28, 1864.]
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