Part 78 (1/2)
The rumour ran that she had been shot in both thighs; in sooth her wound was but slight.[1787]
[Footnote 1787: _Chronique de la Pucelle_, p. 334. _Journal du siege_, p. 128. Jean Chartier, _Chronique_, vol. i, p. 109. Monstrelet, vol.
iv, pp. 355, 356.]
The French returned to La Chapelle, whence they had set out in the morning. They carried their wounded on some of the carts which they had used for the transport of f.a.gots and ladders. In the hands of the enemy they left three hundred hand-carts, six hundred and sixty ladders, four thousand hurdles and large f.a.gots, of which they had used but a small number.[1788] Their retreat must have been somewhat hurried, seeing that, when they came to the Barn of Les Mathurins, near The Swine Market, they forsook their baggage and set fire to it.
With horror it was related that, like pagans of Rome, they had cast their dead into the flames.[1789] Nevertheless the Parisians dared not pursue them. In those days men-at-arms who knew their trade never retreated without laying some snare for the enemy. Consequently the King's men posted a considerable company in ambush by the roadside, to lie in wait for the light troops who should come in pursuit of the retreating army.[1790] It was precisely such an ambuscade that the Parisians feared; wherefore they permitted the Armagnacs to regain their camp at La Chapelle-Saint-Denys unmolested.[1791]
[Footnote 1788: Deliberation of the Chapter of Notre Dame, _loc. cit._]
[Footnote 1789: _Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris_, p. 245.]
[Footnote 1790: _Le Jouvencel_, vol. i, p. 142.]
[Footnote 1791: _Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris_, pp. 245, 246.]
If we regard only the military tactics of the day, there is no doubt that the French had blundered and had lacked energy. But it was not on military tactics that the greatest reliance had been placed. Those who conducted the war, the King and his council, certainly expected to enter Paris that day. But how? As they had entered Chalons, as they had entered Reims, as they had entered all the King's good towns from Troyes to Compiegne. King Charles had shown himself determined to recover his towns by means of the townsfolk; towards Paris he acted as he had acted towards his other towns.
During the coronation march, he had entered into communication with the bishops and burgesses of the cities of Champagne; and like communications he had entered into in Paris.[1792] He had dealings with the monks and notably with the Carmelites of Melun, whose Prior, Brother Pierre d'Allee, was working in his interest.[1793] For some time paid agents had been watching for an opportunity of throwing the city into disorder and of bringing in the enemy in a moment of panic and confusion. During the a.s.sault they were working for him in the streets. In the afternoon, on both sides of the bridges, were heard cries of ”Let every man look to his own safety! The enemy has entered!
All is lost!” Such of the citizens as were listening to the sermon hastened to shut themselves in their houses. And others who were out of doors sought refuge in the churches. But the tumult was quelled.
Wise men, like the clerk of the Parlement, believed that it was but a feigned attack, and that Charles of Valois looked to recover the town not so much by force of arms as by a movement of the populace.[1794]
[Footnote 1792: For the opinions of the townsfolk of Paris, see various acts of Henry VI of the 18th and 25th of Sept., 1429 (MS. Fontanieu, 115). Sauval, _Antiquites de Paris_, vol. iii, p. 586 and _circ._]
[Footnote 1793: A. Longnon, _Paris pendant la domination anglaise_, p.
302.]
[Footnote 1794: Falconbridge, in _Trial_, vol. iv, pp. 456, 458.]
Certain monks who were acting in Paris as the King's spies, went out to him at Saint-Denys and informed him that the attempt had failed.
According to them it had very nearly succeeded.[1795]
[Footnote 1795: _Relation du greffier de La Roch.e.l.le_, p. 344.]
The Sire de la Tremouille is said to have commanded the retreat, for fear of a ma.s.sacre. Indeed, once the French had entered they were quite capable of slaughtering the townsfolk and razing the city to the ground.[1796]
[Footnote 1796: _Chronique de Normandie_, in _Trial_, vol. iv, pp. 342, 343.]
On the morrow, Friday the 9th, the Maid, rising with the dawn, despite her wound, asked the Duke of Alencon to have the call to arms sounded; for she was strongly determined to return to the walls of Paris, swearing not to leave them until the city should be taken.[1797]
Meanwhile the French captains sent a herald to Paris, charged to ask for a safe conduct for the removing of the bodies of the dead left behind in great numbers.[1798]
[Footnote 1797: Perceval de Cagny, p. 168.]
[Footnote 1798: _Ibid._ _Chronique normande_, in _La chronique de la Pucelle_, p. 465. Vallet de Viriville, _Histoire de Charles VII_, vol.
ii, p. 120, note 1.]
Notwithstanding that they had suffered cruel hurt, after a retreat unmolested it is true, but none the less disastrous and involving the loss of all their siege train, several of the leaders were, like the Maid, inclined to attempt a new a.s.sault. Others would not hear of it.
While they were disputing, they beheld a baron coming towards them and with him fifty n.o.bles; it was the Sire de Montmorency, the first Christian peer of France, that is the first among the ancient va.s.sals of the bishop of Paris. He was transferring his allegiance from the Cross of St. Andrew to the Flowers-de-luce.[1799] His coming filled the King's men with courage and a desire to return to the city. The army was on its way back, when the Count of Clermont and the Duke of Bar were sent to arrest the march by order of the King, and to take the Maid back to Saint-Denys.[1800]
[Footnote 1799: d.u.c.h.esne, _Histoire de la maison de Montmorency_, p.