Part 24 (1/2)
[Footnote 518: _Trial_, vol. iv, p. 345. _Chronique de la Pucelle_, p.
263. _Journal du siege_, p. 10. Vallet de Viriville, _Histoire de Charles VII_, vol. ii, p. 32.]
[Footnote 519: L. Jarry, _Deux chansons normandes, Orleans_, 1894, in 8vo, p. 11.]
[Footnote 520: The text published by M. Jarry has _mielux_.]
[Footnote 521: Certes that wise man the Duke of Bedford, will keep himself in a fortress with his wife as snug as may be. He will drink good hypocras (a kind of wine). He looks after himself, leaves warfare and the poor and rich to rot in the ground.]
The day after the taking of Les Tourelles and when its loss had been remedied as best might be, the King's lieutenant-general entered the town. He was le Seigneur Jean, Count of Porcien and of Montaing, Grand Chamberlain of France, son of Duke Louis of Orleans, who had been a.s.sa.s.sinated in 1407 by order of Jean-Sans-Peur, and whose death had armed the Armagnacs against the Burgundians. Dame de Cany was his mother, but he ought to have been the son of the d.u.c.h.ess of Orleans since the Duke was his father. Not only was it no drawback to children to be born outside wedlock and of an adulterous union, but it was a great honor to be called the b.a.s.t.a.r.d of a prince. There have never been so many b.a.s.t.a.r.ds as during these wars, and the saying ran: ”Children are like corn: sow stolen wheat and it will sprout as well as any other.”[522] The b.a.s.t.a.r.d of Orleans was then twenty-six at the most. The year before, with a small company, he had hastened to revictual the inhabitants of Montargis, who were besieged by the Earl of Warwick. He had not only revictualled the town; but with the help of Captain La Hire had driven away the besiegers. This augured well for Orleans.[523] The b.a.s.t.a.r.d was the cleverest baron of his day. He knew grammar and astrology, and spoke more correctly than any one.[524] In his affability and intelligence he resembled his father, but he was more cautious and more temperate. His amiability, his courtesy and his discretion caused it to be said that he was in favour with all the ladies, even with the Queen.[525] In everything he was apt, in war as well as in diplomacy, marvellously adroit, and a consummate dissembler.
[Footnote 522: Vallet de Viriville, _Histoire de Charles VII_, vol. i, p. 25; vol. ii, p. 389.]
[Footnote 523: Monstrelet, vol. iv, pp. 273, 274. _Chronique de la Pucelle_, pp. 243, 247. Jean Chartier, _Chronique_, vol. i, p. 54.
_Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris_, p. 221. _Cronique Martiniane_, p.
7.]
[Footnote 524: Jean Chartier, _Chronique_, vol. ii, p. 105.]
[Footnote 525: Mathieu d'Escouchy, _Chronique_, ed. Beaucourt, Paris, 1863, vol. i, p. 186. De Beaucourt, _Histoire de Charles VII_, vol.
ii, p. 236.]
My Lord the b.a.s.t.a.r.d brought in his train several knights, captains, and squires of renown, that is to say, of high birth or of great valour: the Marshal de Boussac, Messire Jacques de Chabannes, Seneschal of Bourbonnais, the Lord of Chaumont, Messire Theaulde of Valpergue, a Lombard knight, Captain La Hire, wondrous in war and in pillage, who had lately done so well in the relief of Montargis, and Jean, Sire de Bueil, one of those youths who had come to the King on a lame horse and who had taken lessons from two wise women, Suffering and Poverty. These knights came with a company of eight hundred men, archers, arbalesters, and Italian foot, bearing broad s.h.i.+elds like those of St. George in the churches of Venice and Florence. They represented all the n.o.bles and free-lances who for the moment could be gathered together.[526]
[Footnote 526: _Journal du siege_, pp. 10, 12. _Cronique Martiniane_, p. 8. _Le jouvencel_, p. 277. Loiseleur, _Comptes des depenses_, pp.
90, 91.]
After the death of its chief, Salisbury's army was paralysed by disunion and diminished by desertions. Winter was coming: the captains, seeing there was nothing to be done for the present, broke up their camp, and, with such men as remained to them, went off to shelter behind the walls of Meung and Jargeau.[527] On the evening of the 8th of November all that remained before the city was the garrison of Les Tourelles, consisting of five hundred Norman horse, commanded by William Molyns and William Glasdale. The French might besiege and take them: they would not budge. The Governor, the old Sire de Gaucourt, had just fallen on the pavement in La Rue des Hotelleries and broken his arm; he couldn't move.[528] But what about the rest of the defenders?
[Footnote 527: _Journal du siege_, pp. 12, 13. Abbe Dubois, _Histoire du siege_, p. 245. Boucher de Molandon et de Beaucorps, _L'armee anglaise vaincue par Jeanne d'Arc_, pp. 92, 111. Jean de Bueil, _Le jouvencel_, _pa.s.sim_.]
[Footnote 528: _Journal du siege_, p. 7.]
The truth is, no one knew what to do. These warriors were doubtless acquainted with many measures for the succour of a besieged town, but they were all measures of surprise.[529] Their only devices were sallies, ambuscades, skirmishes, and other such valiant feats of arms. Should they fail in raising a siege by surprise, then they remained inactive,--at the end of their ideas and of their resources.
Their most experienced captains were incapable of any common effort,--of any concerted action, of any enterprise in short, requiring a continuous mental effort and the subordination of all to one. Each was for his own hand and thought of nothing but booty. The defence of Orleans was altogether beyond their intelligence.
[Footnote 529: _Le jouvencel_, vol. i, p. 142.]
For twenty-one days Captain Glasdale remained entrenched, with his five hundred Norman horse, under the battered walls of Les Tourelles, between his earthworks on Le Portereau side, which couldn't have become very formidable as yet, and his barrier on the bridge, which being but wood, a spark could easily have set on fire.
Meanwhile the citizens were at work. After the departure of the English they performed a huge and arduous task. Concluding, and rightly, that the enemy would return not through La Sologne this time, but through La Beauce, they destroyed all their suburbs on the west, north, and east, as they had already destroyed or begun to destroy Le Portereau. They burned and pulled down twenty-two churches and monasteries, among others the church of Saint-Aignan and its monastery, so beautiful that it was a pity to see it spoiled, the church of Saint Euverte, the church of Saint-Laurent-des-Orgerils, not without promising the blessed patrons of the town that when they should have delivered the city from the English, the citizens would build them new and more beautiful churches.[530]
[Footnote 530: _Journal du siege_, p. 19. _Chronique de la Pucelle_, p. 270. Jean Chartier, _Chronique_, vol. i, p. 61. Le P. Denifle, _La desolation des eglises de France_, pet.i.tion C.]
On the 30th of November Captain Glasdale beheld Sir John Talbot approaching Les Tourelles. He brought three hundred men furnished with cannon, mortars, and other engines of war. Thenceforward the bombardment was resumed more violently than before: roofs were broken through, walls were battered, but there was more noise than work. In La Rue Aux-Pet.i.ts-Souliers a cannon-ball fell on to a table, round which five persons were dining, and no one was hurt. It was thought to have been a miracle of Our Lord worked at the intercession of Saint Aignan, the patron saint of the city.[531] The people of Orleans had wherewith to answer the besiegers. For the seventy cannon and mortars, of which the city artillery consisted, there were twelve professional gunners with servants to wait on them. A very clever founder named Guillaume Duisy had cast a mortar which from its position at the crook or spur by the Chesneau postern, hurled stone bullets of one hundred and twenty _livres_ on to Les Tourelles. Near this mortar were two cannon, one called Montargis because the town of Montargis had lent it, the other named _Rifflart_[532] after a very popular demon. A culverin firer, a Lorrainer living at Angers, had been sent by the King to Orleans, where he was paid twelve _livres_[533] a month. His name was Jean de Montesclere. He was held to be the best master of his trade. He had in his charge a huge culverin which inflicted great damage on the English.[534]
[Footnote 531: _Journal du siege_, pp. 16, 17.]
[Footnote 532: _Ibid._, p. 17. J.L. Micqueau, _Histoire du siege d'Orleans par les Anglais_, translated by Du Breton, Paris, 1631, p.
27. Abbe Dubois, _Histoire du siege_, p. 287. Lottin, _Recherches_, vol. i, pp. 209, 210.]