Volume II Part 3 (1/2)
Europe should understand how little the English people are implicated in the crimes of their king or his ministers. The PEOPLE did not vote millions after millions for a crusade against French and American liberty. _They_ did not commission a Wellington to interfere in the re-enthronement of a Bourbon; _they_ did not depute a Castlereagh to dictate the slavery of Saxony and Genoa; nor should _they_ be charged with the gross injustice, dastardly inurbanity, and forcible imprisonment of the greatest man and the most magnificent monarch of modern or ancient times,--of a man whose mental superiority was honourable to human nature, and which threw into utter darkness the abilities of every other sovereign!
British annals have, indeed, been stained by many a dark and unsightly spot; our volumes will exhibit divers foul and desperate deeds in the domestic history of the last two kings: but never was an act more _nationally_ disgraceful than the banishment of Napoleon to St. Helena!
He was never accountable to England, much less to the English boroughmongers, for his political conduct. He had been the general, the first consul, and the emperor of the French. He arose amidst the storms of the revolution; he was (as he himself felt and said) the ”sword-arm of the republic,” with which it chastised and humbled to the dust the accursed confederacy of despots who had endeavoured to rivet an old, worn-out, oppressive, and rejected dynasty on thirty millions of Frenchmen. He conquered at first by the help of that flame of liberty which raged with a fierceness proportioned to its long suppression; and, latterly, having raised himself above his contemporaries by his powerful genius, he was made emperor by his countrymen and fellow-soldiers, partly because a large portion of the people, weary of the violent fluctuations of an ill-const.i.tuted democracy, desired the repose even of absolute government, and partly because he was looked upon as the fittest instrument for foreign conquest, which had become a favourite habit, though originating in an absolute necessity. Never let it be forgotten, that he was chosen first consul for life (a distinction used only for the sake of republican appearances, and known to mean king all over Europe) by the votes of the French people at large! The question was submitted to them in the separate departments; all voted that took interest in the affirmative or the negative; and the result was, his election by more than 3,500,000 voices against 374! Can the House of Hanover say as much for their succession to the throne of the STUARTS?
NAPOLEON was not only the elected sovereign of the French people, but he was acknowledged in that capacity by all his enemies. As first consul, the allies, including England, made the treaty of Amiens with him. As emperor, the Continental sovereigns not only often acknowledged, but _flattered_, and bowed to the earth before him; and this country, at the least, negotiated with him for peace. Whence, then, arose Lord Castlereagh's right to treat him as an offender amenable to England?
When, by a marvellous succession of ill-fortune, he fell from his towering height, and left for ever his post at the head of the French government, he became a private individual; and this country had no more business to interfere with his personal freedom than with that of Marshal SOULT, or any other of the military men who had equally sought to crush us. Some canting and arrogant people talked of his _crimes_--his tyranny--his unjust aggressions in Spain and elsewhere.
But we deny that Napoleon was a tyrant. After his return from Elba, he wished to be at peace with all mankind, and to devote the remainder of his days to increase the happiness and prosperity of his people. Which of his enemies could say as much? We quote the following letter in justification of what we here advance, which the emperor addressed to all the sovereigns of Europe:
”_Paris, April 4, 1815._
”SIRES, MY BROTHERS,--You have no doubt learnt in the course of the last month my return to France, my entrance into Paris, and the departure of the family of the Bourbons. The true nature of those events must now be made known to your majesties. They are the results of an irresistible power,--the results of the unanimous wish of a great nation, which knows its duties and its rights. The dynasty which force had given to the French people was not fitted for it; the Bourbons neither a.s.sociated with the national sentiments nor manners; France has therefore separated herself from them; her voice called for a liberator. The hopes which induced me to make the greatest sacrifice for her have been deceived; I came, and, from the spot where I first set my foot, the love of my people has borne me into the heart of my capital. The first wish of my heart is to repay so much affection by the maintenance of an honourable peace. The restoration of the imperial throne was necessary for the happiness of the French people. It is my sincere desire to render it at the same time subservient to the maintenance of the repose of Europe. Enough of glory has shone by turns on the colours of the various nations. The vicissitudes of fortune have often enough occasioned great reverse, followed by great success; a more brilliant _arena_ is now open to sovereigns, and I am the first to descend into it. After having presented to the world the spectacles of great battles, it will now be more delightful to know no other rivals.h.i.+p in future but that resulting from the advantages of peace, and no other struggle but the sacred one of felicity for our people. France has been pleased to proclaim with candour this n.o.ble object of her unanimous wish. Jealous of her independence, the invariable principle of her policy will be the most rigid respect for the independence of other nations. If such then (as I trust they are) are the personal sentiments of your majesties, general tranquillity is secured for a long time to come, and Justice, seated on the confines of the various states, will of herself be sufficient to guard the frontiers.
”I am, &c.
”NAPOLEON.”
If further proof be needed against his being a tyrant, it may be found in the following extracts from the Additional Act to the Const.i.tution of the Empire of France, 1815:
”Rights of Citizens.--All Frenchmen are equal in the eye of the law, whether as contributors to the public taxes and imposts, or as to admission to civil and military employments.
No one can be prosecuted, arrested, imprisoned, or exiled, except according to the forms prescribed by the law.
”Liberty of wors.h.i.+p is granted to all.
”Every citizen has the right of printing and publis.h.i.+ng his thoughts (signing his name) without any previous censors.h.i.+p, and subject only to legal responsibility after the publication, by the verdict of juries, even where there should be no occasion but for a correctional penalty. The right of pet.i.tioning is secured to all citizens. Every pet.i.tion is individual.
”The French people declare moreover that, in the delegation which they have made, and which they shall make, of their powers, they have not intended to give, nor do they give, the right of proposing the re-establishment of the Bourbons, or any prince of that family, upon the throne, even in case of the extinction of the imperial dynasty; nor the right of re-establis.h.i.+ng either the ancient feudal n.o.bility, or the feudal and signorial privileges or t.i.tles, or any privileged and dominant wors.h.i.+p; nor the power of making any attempt upon the irrevocability of the sale of the national domains: they formally interdict to the government, the chambers, and the citizens all propositions to that effect.
”Done at Paris the 20th of April, 1815.
(Signed) ”NAPOLEON.
”The Duke of Ba.s.sANO.”
Nothing but their own love of tyranny, therefore, could induce these sovereigns to wage war against a happy people, like the people of France. But Napoleon's virtues were too luminous for their dim eyes to look upon. The abolition of the slave-trade ought to be held in everlasting remembrance by all the friends of justice and humanity.
”IMPERIAL DECREE.
”Napoleon, Emperor of the French. We have decreed, and do decree, as follows:
”Art. 1.--From the date of the publication of the present decree, the trade in negroes is abolished. No expedition shall be allowed for this commerce, neither in the ports of France nor in those of our colonies.
”Art. 2.--There shall not be introduced to be sold in our colonies any negro, the produce of this trade, whether French or foreign.
”Art. 3.--Any infraction of this decree shall be punished with the confiscation of the s.h.i.+p and cargo, which shall be p.r.o.nounced by our courts and tribunals.
”Art. 4.--However, the s.h.i.+p-owners who, before the publication of the present decree, shall have fitted out expeditions for the trade may sell the produce in our colonies.
”Our ministers are charged with the execution of the present decree.
(Signed) ”NAPOLEON.
”The Duke of Ba.s.sANO.”