Part 3 (2/2)

This surely might have been enough; but by the time the matter had come before the Star Chamber, Laud had succeeded Abbot (with whom Prynne was on friendly terms) as Archbishop of Canterbury (August 1633); and Laud was in favour of rigorous measures. So was Lord Dorset, and Lord Cottington, Chancellor of the Exchequer, whose judgment is of importance as showing that this was really the first occasion when the hangman's services were called in aid for the suppression of books:--

”I do in the first place begin censure with his book. I condemn it to be burnt in the most public manner that can be. The manner in other countries is (where such books are) to be burnt by the hangman, though not used in England (yet I wish it may, in respect of the strangeness and heinousness of the matter contained in it) to have a strange manner of burning; therefore I shall desire it may be so burnt by the hand of the hangman. If it may agree with the Court, I do adjudge Mr. Prynne to be put from the Bar, and to be for ever uncapable of his profession. I do adjudge him, my Lords, that the Society of Lincoln's Inn do put him out of the Society; and because he had his offspring from Oxford” (now with a low voice said the Archbishop of Canterbury, ”I am sorry that ever Oxford bred such an evil member”) ”there to be degraded. And I do condemn Mr. Prynne to stand in the pillory in two places, in Westminster and Cheapside, and that he shall lose both his ears, one in each place; and with a paper on his head declaring how foul an offence it is, viz. that it is for an infamous libel against both their Majesties, State and Government. And lastly (nay, not lastly) I do condemn him in 5,000 fine to the King. And lastly, perpetual imprisonment.”[80:1]

In this spirit the highest in the land understood justice in those golden monarchical days, little recking of the retribution that their cruelty was laying in store for them. A few years later history presents us with another graphic picture of the same sort, showing us the facetious as well as the ferocious aspect of the Star Chamber. Again Prynne stands before his judges, a full court (and theoretically the Star Chamber was co-extensive with the House of Lords), but this time in company with Bastwick, the physician, and Burton, the divine. Sir J.

Finch, Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, says: ”I had thought Mr. Prynne had had no ears, but methinks he hath ears.” Thereupon many Lords look more closely at him, and the usher of the court is ordered to turn up his hair and show his ears. Their Lords.h.i.+ps are displeased that no more had been cut off on the previous occasion, and ”cast out some disgraceful words of him.” To whom Prynne replies: ”My Lords, there is never a one of your Honours but would be sorry to have your ears as mine are.” The Lord-Keeper says: ”In good truth he is somewhat saucy.” ”I hope,”

says Prynne, ”your Honours will not be offended. I pray G.o.d give you ears to hear.”

The whole of this interesting trial is best read in the fourth volume of the _Harleian Miscellany_. Prynne's main offence on this occasion was his _News from Ipswich_, written in prison, and his sentence was preceded by a speech from Laud, which the King made him afterwards publish, and which, after a denial of the Puritan charge of making innovations in religion, ended with the words: ”Because the business hath some reflection upon myself I shall forbear to censure them, and leave them to G.o.d's mercy and the King's justice.” Yet Laud in the very previous sentence had thanked his colleagues for the ”just and honourable censure” they had pa.s.sed; and when he spoke in this Pharisaical way of G.o.d's mercy and the King's justice, he knew that the said justice had condemned Prynne to be fined another 5,000, to be deprived of the remainder of his ears in the pillory, to be branded on both cheeks with ”S. L.” (Schismatical Libeller), and to be imprisoned for life in Carnarvon Castle.[82:1] Apart from that, Laud's defence seems conclusive on many of the points brought against him.

Bastwick and Burton were at the same time, for their books, condemned to a fine of 5,000 each, to be pilloried, to lose their ears, and to be imprisoned, one at Launceston Castle, in Cornwall, and the other in Lancaster Castle. It does not appear that the burning of their books was on this occasion included in the sentence; but as the order for seizing libellous books was sometimes a separate matter from the sentence itself (Laud's _Hist._, 252), or could be ordered by the Archbishop alone, one may feel fairly sure that it followed.

The execution of this sentence (June 30th, 1637) marks a turning-point in our history. The people strewed the way from the prison to the pillory with sweet herbs. From the pillory the prisoners severally addressed the sympathetic crowd, Bastwick, for instance, saying, ”Had I as much blood as would swell the Thames, I would shed it every drop in this cause.” Prynne, returning to prison by boat, actually made two Latin verses on the letters branded on his cheeks, with a pun upon Laud's name.

As probably no one ever made verses on such an occasion before or since, they are deserving of quotation:--

”Stigmata maxillis referens insignia Laudis, Exultans remeo, victima grata Deo.”

Their journey to their several prisons was a triumphal procession all the way; the people, as Heylin reluctantly writes, ”either foolishly or factiously resorting to them as they pa.s.sed, and seeming to bemoan their sufferings as unjustly rigorous. And such a haunt there was to the several castles to which they were condemned . . . that the State found it necessary to remove them further,” Prynne to Jersey, Burton to Guernsey, and Bastwick to Scilly. The alarm of the Government at the resentment they had aroused by their cruelties is as conspicuous as that resentment itself. No English Government has ever with impunity incurred the charge of cruelty; nor is anything clearer than that as these atrocious sentences justified the coming Revolution, so they were among its most immediate causes.

The _Letany_, for which Bastwick was punished on this occasion, was not the first work of his that had brought him to trouble.

His first work, the _Elenchus Papisticae Religionis_ (1627), against the Jesuits, was brought before the High Commission at the same time with his _Flagellum Pontificis_ (1635), a work which, ostensibly directed against the Pope's temporal power, aimed, in Laud's eyes, at English Episcopacy and the Church of England. The sting occurs near the end, where the author contends that the essentials of a bishop, namely, his election by his flock and the proper discharge of episcopal duties, are wanting in the bishops of his time. ”Where is the ministering of doctrine and of the Word, and of the Sacraments? Where is the care of discipline and morals? Where is the consolation of the poor?

where the rebuke of the wicked? Alas for the fall of Rome! Alas for the ruin of a flouris.h.i.+ng Church! The bishops are neither chosen nor called; but by canva.s.sing, and by money, and by wicked arts they are thrust upon their government.” This was the beginning of trouble. The Court of High Commission condemned both his books to be burnt,[85:1] and their author to be fined 1,000, to be excommunicated, to be debarred from his profession, and to be imprisoned in the Gatehouse till he recanted; which, wrote Bastwick, would not be till Doomsday, in the afternoon.

In the Gatehouse Bastwick penned his _Apologeticus ad Praesules Anglicanos_, and his _Letany_, the books for which he suffered, as above described, at the hands of the Star Chamber. The first was an attack on the High Commission, the second on the bishops, the Real Presence, and the Church Prayer Book. The language of the _Letany_ is in many pa.s.sages extremely coa.r.s.e, and it is only possible to quote such milder expressions as since the time of Tyndale had been traditional in the Puritan party. ”As many prelates in England, so many vipers in the bowels of Church and State.” They were ”the very polecats, stoats, weasels, and minivers in the warren of Church and State.” They were ”Antichrist's little toes.” To judge from these expressions merely one might be disposed to agree with Heylin, who says of the _Letany_ that it was ”so silly and contemptible that nothing but the sin and malice which appeared in every line of it could have possibly preserved it from being ridiculous.” But the _Letany_ is really a most important contribution to the history of the period. Nothing is more graphic than Bastwick's account of the almost regal reverence claimed for the Archbishop of Canterbury, the traffic of the streets interrupted when he issued from Lambeth, the overturning of the stalls; the author's description of the excessive power of the bishops, of the extortions of the ecclesiastical courts, is corroborated by abundant correlative testimony; and he appeals for the truth of his charges of immorality against the clergy of that time to the actual cases that came before the High Commission.

Lord Clarendon speaks of Bastwick as ”a half-witted, crack-brained fellow,” unknown to either University or the College of Physicians; perhaps it was because he was unknown to either University that he acquired that splendid Latin style to which even Lord Clarendon does justice. The Latin preface to the second edition of the _Flagellum_, in which Bastwick returns thanks to the Long Parliament for his release from prison, is unsurpa.s.sed by the Latin writing of the best English scholars, and bespeaks anything but a half-witted brain. Cicero himself could hardly have done it better.

Burton's book, however, was considered worse than Prynne's or Bastwick's, for Heylin calls it ”the great masterpiece of mischief.” It consists of two sermons, republished with an appeal to the King, under the t.i.tle of _For G.o.d and King_. Like Bastwick, he writes in the interest of the King against the encroachments of the bishops; and complains bitterly of the ecclesiastical innovations then in vogue. His accusation is no less forcible, though less well known, than Laud's Defence in his Star Chamber speech; and if he did call the bishops ”limbs of the Beast,” ”ravening wolves,” and so forth, the language of Laud's party against the Puritans was not one whit more refined. So convinced was Burton of the justice of his cause, that he declared that all the time he stood in the pillory he thought himself ”in heaven, and in a state of glory and triumph if any such state can possibly be on earth.”

It is in connection with Bastwick's _Letany_ and Prynne's _News from Ipswich_ that Lilburne, of subsequent revolutionary fame, first appears on the stage of history, as responsible for their printing in Holland and dispersion in England. At all events he was punished for that offence, being whipped with great severity, by order of the Star Chamber, all the way from the Fleet Prison to Westminster, where he stood for some hours in the pillory. He was then only twenty. Laud had the second instalment of the books seized upon landing, and then burnt.

In this matter of book-burning the Archbishop seems at that time to have had sole authority, and doubtless many more books met with a fiery fate than are specifically mentioned. Laud himself refers in a letter to an order he issued for the seizure and public burning in Smithfield of as many copies as could be found of an English translation of St. Francis de Sales' _Praxis Spiritualis; or, The Introduction to a Devout Life_, which, after having been licensed by his chaplain, had been tampered with, in the Roman Catholic interest, in its pa.s.sage through the press. Of this curious book some twelve hundred copies were burnt, but a few hundred copies had been dispersed before the seizure.

The Archbishop's duties, as general superintendent of literature and the press, const.i.tuted, indeed, no sinecure. For ever since the year 1585, the Star Chamber regulations, pa.s.sed at Archbishop Whitgift's instigation, had been in force; and, with unimportant exceptions, no book could be printed without being first seen, perused, and allowed by the Archbishop of Canterbury or Bishop of London. Rome herself had no more potent device for the maintenance of intellectual tyranny. The task of perusal was generally deputed to the Archbishop's chaplain, who, as in the case of Prynne's _Histriomastix_, ran the risk of a fine and the pillory if he suffered a book to be licensed without a careful study of its contents.

But the powers of the Archbishop over the press were not yet enough for Laud, and in July 1637 the Star Chamber pa.s.sed a decree, with a view to prevent English books from being printed abroad, that in addition to the compulsory licensing of all English books by the Archbishop of Canterbury, Bishop of London, or the University Chancellors, no books should be imported from abroad for sale without a catalogue of them being first sent to the Archbishop of Canterbury or Bishop of London, who, by their chaplains or others, were to superintend the unlading of such packages of books. The only merit of this decree is that it led Milton to write his _Areopagitica_. The Puritan belief that Laud aimed at the restoration of Popery has long since been proved erroneous. One of his bad dreams recorded in his Diary is that of his reconciliation with the Church of Rome; but there is abundant proof that he and his faction aimed at a spiritual and intellectual tyranny which would in no wise have been preferable to that of Rome. And of all Laud's dreams, surely that of the Archbishop of Canterbury exercising a perpetual dictators.h.i.+p over English literature is not the least absurd and grotesque.

Moreover, in August of this very same year Laud made another move in the direction of ecclesiastical tyranny. Bastwick and his party had contended, not only that Episcopacy was not of Divine inst.i.tution, or _jure divino_ (as, indeed, Williams, Bishop of Lincoln, had argued before the King)[91:1]; but that the issuing of processes in the names and with the seals of the bishops in the ecclesiastical courts was a trespa.s.s on the Royal Prerogative. What happened proves that it was. The statute of Edward VI. (1 Ed. VI., c. 2) had enacted that all the proceedings of the ecclesiastical courts should ”be made in the name and the style of the King,” and that no other seal of jurisdiction should be used but with the Royal arms engraven, under penalty of imprisonment. Mary repealed this Act, nor did Elizabeth replace it. But a clause in a statute of James (1 Jac. I., c. 25) repealed the repealing Act of Mary, so that the Act of Edward came back into force; and Bastwick was perfectly right. The judges, nevertheless, in May 1637, decided that Mary's repeal Act was still in force; and Charles, at Laud's instigation, issued a proclamation, in August 1637, to the effect that the proceedings of the High Commission and other ecclesiastical courts were agreeable to the laws and statutes of the realm.[91:2] In this manner did the judges, the bishops, and the King conspire to subject Englishmen to the tyranny of the Church!

The consequences belong to general history. Never was scheme of ecclesiastical ambition more completely shattered than Laud's; never was historical retribution more condign. Among the first acts of the Long Parliament (November 1640) was the release of Prynne and Bastwick and Burton; who were brought into the City, says Clarendon, by a crowd of some ten thousand persons, with boughs and flowers in their hands. Compensation was subsequently voted to them for the iniquitous fines imposed on them by the Star Chamber, and Prynne before long was one of the chief instruments in bringing Laud to trial and the block. But this was not before that ambitious prelate had seen the bishops deprived of their seats in the House of Lords, and the Root and Branch Bill for their abolition introduced, as well as the Star Chamber and High Commission Courts abolished. This should have been enough; and it is to be regretted that his punishment went beyond this total failure of the schemes of his life.

Of the heroes of the books whose condemnation contributed so much to bring about the Revolution, only Prynne continued to figure as an object of interest in the subsequent stormy times. As a member of Parliament his political activity was only exceeded by his extraordinary literary productiveness; his legacy to the Library of Lincoln's Inn of his forty volumes of various works is probably the largest monument of literary labour ever produced by one man. His spirit of independence caused him to be constant to no political party, and after taking part against Cromwell he was made by the Government of the Restoration Keeper of the Records in the Tower, in which congenial post he finished his eventful career.

FOOTNOTES:

[78:1] Whitelock's _Memorials of Charles I._, 1822. Laud is represented as mainly instrumental in the conduct of the whole of this nefarious proceeding, especially in procuring the sentence in the Star Chamber.

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