Part 28 (2/2)

The definitive treaties of peace were signed at Versailles, September 3, 1783.

FOOTNOTES:

[231] Jurien de la Graviere: Guerres Maritimes, vol. ii. p. 255.

[232] See map of the Atlantic Ocean, p. 532.

[233] It may be said here in pa.s.sing, that the key to the English possessions in what was then called West Florida was at Pensacola and Mobile, which depended upon Jamaica for support; the conditions of the country, of navigation, and of the general continental war forbidding a.s.sistance from the Atlantic. The English force, military and naval, at Jamaica was only adequate to the defence of the island and of trade, and could not afford sufficient relief to Florida. The capture of the latter and of the Bahamas was effected with little difficulty by overwhelming Spanish forces, as many as fifteen s.h.i.+ps-of-the-line and seven thousand troops having been employed against Pensacola.

These events will receive no other mention. Their only bearing upon the general war was the diversion of this imposing force from joint operations with the French, Spain here, as at Gibraltar, pursuing her own aims instead of concentrating upon the common enemy,--a policy as shortsighted as it was selfish.

[234] In other words, having considered the objects for which the belligerents were at war and the proper objectives upon which their military efforts should have been directed to compa.s.s the objects, the discussion now considers how the military forces should have been handled; by what means and at what point the objective, being mobile, should have been a.s.sailed.

[235] Orders of Admiral Villeneuve to the captains of his fleet, Dec.

20, 1804.

[236] Letter of Villeneuve, January, 1805.

[237] Letters and Despatches of Lord Nelson.

[238] Life and Letters of Lord Collingwood.

[239] Burrows: Life of Lord Hawke.

[240] Of this Rodney said: ”The evacuating Rhode Island was the most fatal measure that could possibly be adopted. It gave up the best and n.o.blest harbor in America, from whence squadrons, in forty-eight hours, could blockade the three capital cities of America, namely, Boston, New York, and Philadelphia.” The whole letter, private to the First Lord of the Admiralty, is worth reading. (Life of Rodney, vol.

ii. p. 429.)

[241] The loss of Sta. Lucia does not militate against this statement, being due to happy audacity and skill on the part of the English admiral, and the professional incapacity of the commander of the greatly superior French fleet.

[242] The plan of campaign traced by the Directory for Bruix became impossible of execution; the delay in the junction of the French and Spanish squadrons having permitted England to concentrate sixty s.h.i.+ps in the Mediterranean.--_Troude_, vol. iii. p. 158.

[243] The combined squadrons of France and Spain, under Bruix, reached Brest on their return only twenty-four hours before Lord Keith, who had followed them from the Mediterranean. (James: Naval History of Great Britain.)

[244] The high professional attainments of many of the French officers is not overlooked in this statement. The quality of the _personnel_ was diluted by an inferior element, owing to the insufficient number of good men. ”The _personnel_ of our crews had been seriously affected by the events of the campaign of 1779. At the beginning of 1780 it was necessary either to disarm some s.h.i.+ps, or to increase the proportion of soldiers entering into the composition of the crews. The minister adopted the latter alternative. New regiments, drawn from the land army, were put at the disposal of the navy. The corps of officers, far from numerous at the beginning of hostilities, had become completely inadequate. Rear-Admiral de Guichen met the greatest difficulty in forming the complements, both officers and crews, for his squadron. He took the sea, February 3, with s.h.i.+ps 'badly manned,' as he wrote to the minister.” (Chevalier: Hist. de la Marine Francaise, p. 184.) ”During the last war [of 1778] we had met the greatest difficulty in supplying officers to our s.h.i.+ps. If it had been easy to name admirals, commodores, and captains, it had been impossible to fill the vacancies caused by death, sickness, or promotion among officers of the rank of lieutenant and ensign.” (Chevalier: Marine Francaise sous la Republique, p. 20.)

[245] The vital centre of English commerce is in the waters surrounding the British Islands; and as the United Kingdom now depends largely upon external sources of food-supply, it follows that France is the nation most favourably situated to hara.s.s it by commerce-destroying, on account of her nearness and her possession of ports both on the Atlantic and the North Sea. From these issued the privateers which in the past preyed upon English s.h.i.+pping. The position is stronger now than formerly, Cherbourg presenting a good Channel port which France lacked in the old wars. On the other hand steam and railroads have made the ports on the northern coasts of the United Kingdom more available, and British s.h.i.+pping need not, as formerly, focus about the Channel.

Much importance has been attached to the captures made during the late summer manoeuvres (1888) by cruisers in and near the English Channel.

The United States must remember that such cruisers were near their home ports. Their line of coal-supply may have been two hundred miles; it would be a very different thing to maintain them in activity three thousand miles from home. The furnis.h.i.+ng of coal, or of such facilities as cleaning the bottom or necessary repairs, in such a case, would be so unfriendly to Great Britain, that it may well be doubted if any neighboring neutral nation would allow them.

Commerce-destroying by independent cruisers depends upon wide dissemination of force. Commerce-destroying through control of a strategic centre by a great fleet depends upon concentration of force.

Regarded as a primary, not as a secondary, operation, the former is condemned, the latter justified, by the experience of centuries.

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