Volume II Part 2 (2/2)

Schmucker's hope of all Protestant bodies in council and cooperation in the one common task of propagating the kingdom of G.o.d in society and throughout the world.” (27.) The ultimate aim of the Federal Council evidently is an amalgamation of all Protestant Churches. And there are, even now, General Synodists who are ready to countenance this eventuality. In the _Christian Herald_, December 12, 1917, Dr. J. B.

Remensnyder spoke of the essential unity of Protestantism separated only by minor differences, and of ”the practical possibility of a larger union,--one world-wide Protestant Church of Christ,” to be brought about by mutual surrender of secondary differences. ”It will not come about,”

says Remensnyder, ”by one denomination insisting absolutely on its doctrinal type.” In the _Lutheran Church Work and Observer_, May 23, 1918, p. 7 f., a General Synod pastor wrote: ”With forms of religion and denominational differences we have nothing to do.... Let each one have his own faith, his own light and hope.” ”There come moments when we forget our differences and our various labels, when we arise above the partial, the individual, and sectarian, when a common impulse drives us headlong into the arms of trust and general comrades.h.i.+p....”

THEOLOGY REFORMED.

40. Championing Reformed Doctrines.--Wherever Lutherans unite with the Reformed, the former gradually sink to the level of the latter. Already by declaring the differences between the two Churches irrelevant, the Lutheran truths are actually sacrificed and denied. Unionism always breaks the backbone, and outrages the conscience, of true Lutheranism.

And naturally enough, the refusal to confess the Lutheran truth is but too frequently followed by eager endors.e.m.e.nt and fanatical defense of the opposite errors. This is fully borne out by the history of the General Synod. As the years rolled on, the Reformed lineaments, at first manifesting themselves in unionism, came out in ever bolder relief. The distinctive Lutheran doctrines of the Lord's Supper, the person of Christ, Baptism, absolution, infant faith, the means of grace, the Sabbath, abstinence, separation of State and Church, etc., were all rejected and a.s.sailed by the most prominent leaders of the General Synod. And the unionistic spirit, with which also the most conservative within the General Synod were infected, paralyzed the courage of the men who, in a measure, saw and loved the light, and should have been bold in confessing the truth and uncompromising in defending it against the opposite errors. In 1831, in deference to sectarianism, the publication of the _Lutheran Observer_ was transferred to Baltimore, with Dr. Morris as editor, because it was feared that the Presbyterians might take offense at the t.i.tle ”Lutheran” if, as was originally planned, it was published at Gettysburg with the professors as editors! It was in the interest of eliminating the specific Lutheran doctrines that, in 1845, at Philadelphia, a committee (Schmucker, Morris, Schmidt, Pohlman, Kurtz) was appointed to formulate and present to the next convention an abstract of the doctrines and usages of the American Lutheran Church, on the order of the Abstract requested in 1844 by the Maryland Synod, in which the Lutheran doctrine of the Real Presence was rejected. The report was made at Charleston, S. C., 1850, but ”laid on the table, and the committee discharged from further duty.” (27.) In 1855 a bold effort was made to abandon the Augsburg Confession in favor of the notorious Definite Platform, from which all specifically Lutheran doctrines had been eliminated in order to open the way officially for the tenets peculiar to Reformed theology. Some of the fanatics were not even willing to tolerate Lutheran doctrine in the General Synod. When in 1852 the Pennsylvania Synod resolved to reunite with the General Synod, and called upon all Lutherans in America to follow her example, the _Observer_, December 21, 1852, published a declaration stating that the Augsburg Confession taught the real presence of the body and blood of Christ in the Lord's Supper and several other things, which were rejected by almost all of the friends and promoters of the General Synod, and that it was sinful to unite with Lutherans who adhered to such doctrines. (_Lutheraner_, Dec. 21, 1852.) Former members of the North Illinois Synod declared in the _Observer_ of January 20, 1860: ”We do not believe in the bodily presence, baptismal regeneration, the ceremonies of the ma.s.s, and in similar nonsense.” (_L. u. W._ 1860, 93.) As late as 1896 the Allegheny Synod refused to ordain a candidate because he did not hold that the Sunday was of divine inst.i.tution.

(_L. u. W._ 1896, 281.)

41. Sailing under False Colors.--Foremost and boldest among the Reformed theologians within the General Synod were S. S. Schmucker and B. Kurtz, who nevertheless insisted on sailing under the Lutheran flag. Brazenly claiming to be the true representatives of Lutheranism, they at the same time a.s.sailed the Lutheran and defended the Reformed doctrines with ultra Calvinistic zeal and bigotry. They opposed the adoption of all the Lutheran symbols (especially of the Formula of Concord), as well as the unqualified subscription to the Augsburg Confession, because they were imbued with the Reformed spirit and absolute strangers to, and enemies of, everything distinctive of, and essential to, true Lutheranism.

(_L. u. W._ 1866, 21.) In his _Popular Theology_, published for the first time in 1834, Schmucker says: ”But whilst the Reformers [Luther and Zwingli] agreed in rejecting this papal error [transubstantiation], it is much to be regretted that they could neither harmonize among themselves as to what should be subst.i.tuted in its stead, nor consent to walk together in love, when they could not entirely accord in opinion....

Alas! that men, distinguished so highly for intellect, and chosen of G.o.d to accomplish so great a work, should betray such a glaring want of liberality toward each other; that, having gloriously cooperated in vanquis.h.i.+ng the papal beast, they should turn their weapons against each other, for a point not decided in Scripture, and therefore of minor importance!” (Edition 1848, p. 297.) With respect to the presence of Christ in the Lord's Supper, Schmucker, in his _Popular Theology_, distinguishes between the substantial, the influential, and the symbolical presence and the bald symbolical representation. Then he continues: ”After a protracted and unprofitable struggle, the Lutheran Church has long since settled down in the happy conviction that on this, as on all other subjects not clearly determined by the inspired Volume, her sons shall be left to follow the dictates of their own conscience, having none to molest them or make them afraid. In the Lutheran Church in this country each of the above views has some advocates, though the great body of our divines, if we mistake not, embraces either the second or third.” (305.) Also in his _Portraiture of Lutheranism_ (1840) Schmucker maintained that the Lutheran Church no longer demands the acknowledgment of the real presence in the Eucharist, Luther himself, toward the end of his life, having admitted that he had gone too far in this matter.

42. Moses Stuart's Declaration.--Referring to the statements quoted from Schmucker's _Popular Theology_, Prof. Moses Stuart of Andover said in the _Bibliotheca Sacra_ of 1844: ”I should not do justice to the Lutheran Church of recent times if I did not say that many within its precincts have loudly called in question the old doctrine of Luther and his compeers and successors in respect to consubstantiation [real presence]. The battle has been fought of late with great power; and scarcely a doubt remains that the more enlightened of the Lutherans are either renouncing his views, or coming to the position that they are not worth contending for. In this country such is clearly the case. Dr. S.

S. Schmucker, the able and excellent exponent of the Lutheran theology in this country, in his work, called _Popular Theology_, has told us that they are 'settled down in the happy conviction that on this, and on all other subjects not clearly determined by the inspired Volume, her sons shall be left to follow the dictates of their own conscience, having none to molest or make them afraid.' The great body of Lutheran divines among us, according to the same writer, doubt or deny the corporeal or physical presence of Christ in the elements of the Eucharist. It is not difficult to predict that ere long the great ma.s.s of well-informed Lutherans, at least in this country, will be substantially united, in regard to this subject, with the other Reformed Churches.” (Spaeth, _C. P. Krauth_, 1, 115.)

43. Reformed Att.i.tude of the ”Observer.”--Commenting on B. Kurtz, editor of the _Lutheran, Observer_, Dr. Spaeth says: ”For years and years he was indefatigable in his coa.r.s.e and irreverential, yea, blasphemous attacks upon what was set forth as most sacred in the Confessions of the Lutheran Church. The loyal adherents of the historical faith of the Augsburg Confession were denounced as 'resurrectionists of elemental, undeveloped, halting, stumbling, and staggering humanity,' as priests ready 'to immolate bright meridian splendor on the altar of misty, musky dust,' men bent on going backward, and consequently, of necessity, going downward!” Every distinctive doctrine and usage of Lutheranism was ridiculed and a.s.sailed, in the _Lutheran Observer_, by Kurtz and his theological affinities. In its issue of June 29, 1849, C.P. Krauth, in an article on the question of Christ's presence in the Eucharist, wrote: ”From this high position [of the Lutheran confessions, held by some Lutherans in America] there are almost all shades of dissent and descent, not only to that which is popularly called the Zwinglian, and of which the _Lutheran Observer_ may be considered the exponent, but yet lower to that which we may call, for want of a better name, Socinian.”

(Spaeth I, 162.) A few weeks prior (June 8) Kurtz had declared that in the 60 Lutheran congregations in Maryland not 30 American-born members could be found who knew what ”bodily presence” in the Lord's Supper meant, much less believed in it. The more the free-thinking, practical, and common-sense people the United States got acquainted with this doctrine, the less they would take to it. The same was true of other obsolete doctrines, such as baptismal regeneration. (_Lutheraner_, October 30, 1849.) In January of 1854 the _Observer_ announced that an old ma.n.u.script had been discovered in Germany, according to which Luther, shortly before his death, retracted his controversy against the Sacramentarians. (_Lutheraner_ 10, 108; cf. 2, 47.) In November of the same year the _Observer_ declared that Profs. Heppe and Ebrard had proved that the doctrine of the Lutheran Church on the Lord's Supper was not the one of Luther, but that of the later Melanchthon. (_Lutheraner_ 11, 71.) Ans.p.a.ch, coeditor of the _Observer_, stated in its number of November 12, 1858: ”Difference of opinion concerning the Sacraments is tolerated in the General Synod, and although there are some among our brethren who believe in the real presence of our Savior in the Lord's Supper in a higher sense than others, they nevertheless hold that this takes place in a spiritual and supernatural manner.” (_L. u. W._ 1859, 30.) In its issue of June 29, 1860, the _Observer_ protested: ”We can never subscribe to the errors of the Augsburg Confession.... Let a separation take place. Let those who are able to swallow the errors of the sixteenth century, which have long ago been hissed from the stage, rally around the banner: 'The true body and the true blood of Christ in a natural manner in the elements,' and on the back side: 'Regeneration by Baptism and priestly absolution essential to true Lutheranism'! This is the theology of the symbolists. This papistical theology we cannot and will not subscribe to in America. For it is a theology which is not drawn from the Bible, but from the Roman Bible.” In 1861 the _Observer_ remarked that the Missouri, Buffalo, and other Old Lutherans practise ceremonies and adhere to doctrines which are as odious to many of us as those in vogue in the Roman Church. (March 8.) Two years prior the _Observer_ had blasphemously scoffed at the Lutheran Communion Liturgy as ”altar antics.” (_L. u. W._ 1860, 31.) _Observer_, February 12, 1864: ”Christ is at the right hand of G.o.d in heaven. How, then, can we speak of Christ's body and blood as present in the Sacrament since no such body did exist for these 1800 years, never since His ascension into glory?” (_L. u. W._ 1864, 125.) November 7, 1862: ”But who exercises faith in infant baptism? Not the child, but the father or the sponsor,”

etc. (_L. u. W._ 1862, 373.) In 1904 the _Observer_ denied that a child believes and is regenerated by Baptism. (_L. u. W._ 1904, 471.) According to the _Observer_ of 1901 a man may become a true Christian even without any knowledge of the Gospel and of Christ. (_L. u. W._ 1901, 306.) _Observer_, March 27, 1868: ”G.o.d's Book is a total abstinence book, and G.o.d's Son never made intoxicating wine.” In 1867 the _American Lutheran_ (published by the Hartwick Synod and later merged with the _Lutheran Observer_), teaching the baldest Zwinglianism, maintained that Baptism is a mere sign and seal of members.h.i.+p in the visible Church on earth and no more regeneration itself than the sign-board ”Hotel” is itself the hotel. (_L. u. W._ 1867, 125.) The _Lutheran Evangelist_, merged in 1909 into the _Observer_ and always disowning every doctrine distinctive of Lutheranism, stated January 20, 1899: The pastors of the General Synod are too sensible to believe ”so foolish a dogma as infant faith.” (_L. u. W._ 1899, 27.) The same paper had declared in 1892: ”They are bad Lutherans who do not view the Sabbath as commanded by G.o.d. If the Augsburg Confession had been written in our day, it would have delivered no uncertain testimony with respect to the divine obligation of the Day of the Lord.” The _Lutheran Church Work and Observer_, the official organ of the General Synod, wrote September 12, 1918: ”The General Synod has always stood on the side of temperance.... Almost all her ministers have been abstainers and advocates of total abstinence. They have ever aligned themselves with the temperance forces of the country to put the American saloon out of business.” The first resolution in favor of the temperance cause, referred to in the minutes of the General Synod, was adopted in 1831 by the Hartwick Synod. (9.)

44. General Synod Involved as Such.--In spite of its noncommittal policy as to doctrine, the General Synod also as such has not been able to conceal its distinctively Reformed complexion. The letter of 1845 admits and approves of the fact that Luther's doctrine of the bodily presence of the Lord's Supper had long ago been abandoned by the great majority of the ministers of the General Synod. It was the Reformed theology, taught in the books of Schmucker, in the books of Kurtz, in the _Observer_ edited by Kurtz, and in the _Hirtenstimme_, published by Weyl, against which Wyneken protested in 1845, at Philadelphia. But his appeal for true Lutheranism over against Reformedism impressed the General Synod merely as funny (spa.s.shaft), and his motion in the matter was tabled. Wyneken was compelled to sever his connection with a body whose every prominent feature was Reformed. The confessional Resolution adopted 1864 at York rejects, as will be explained later, the Lutheran doctrines of the real presence, absolution, and the Sunday. The minutes of the General Synod contain frequent resolutions in favor of the sectarian views of the Sabbath, total abstinence, the introduction of the Bible into the State schools, etc. At New York, 1848, Synod declared ”that we heartily approve of the 'New York City Temperance Society, organized on Christian principles,' and believe it to be the only system of operation that will be ultimately successful and triumphant; that we commend this Society to the attention of the Synods in connection with this body, and to our churches generally, and urge them to prosecute this great and philanthropic enterprise upon the Christian principles adopted by this Society.” (8.) At Harrisburg, 1885, the resolutions were adopted ”that we do hereby declare our belief in the divine authority of the Christian Sabbath as a day of sacred rest and religious instruction and wors.h.i.+p of Almighty G.o.d; that we recommend to the respective Synods of the General Synod that they take such action from time to time as shall lead to more frequent and earnest appeals from all the pulpits of our Church upon this all-important subject; that with uplifted hands to that G.o.d who is the Father of us all we unceasingly implore that the day be hastened when all the earth shall be freed from the power of sin, and when life shall be one universal Sabbath to the ends of the earth.”

(69.) (_Proceedings_ 1848,44; 1853,28; 1864,45; 1883,46; 1887,61; etc.) In 1854 T. N. Kurtz of Baltimore published a ”Lutheran Almanac,”

featuring on its t.i.tle-page the pictures of Luther, Zwingli, and Calvin as ”those great Reformers,” and listing as ”great theologians of the Lutheran Church” also the names of Herder, Paulus, Ammon, Bretschneider, Wegscheider, Gesenius, Roehr, etc. (_Lutheraner_ 10,15.) This is a true-to-life picture of the General Synod in her palmiest days-- Zwinglianism, Methodism, Rationalism being the most protruding features.

(4,198.)

45. Verdict of Contemporaries.--In his pamphlet _The Distress of the German Lutherans in America_, Wyneken said with special reference to the English part of the General Synod: ”They have totally fallen away from the faith of the fathers. Though enthusiastic over the name 'Lutheran'

and zealous in spreading the so-called 'Lutheran' Church, they, in a most shameful and foolhardy manner, attack the doctrines of our Church and seek to spread their errors in sermons, periodicals, and newspapers, notably the doctrines of Baptism and the Lord's Supper and the connected important doctrines of grace, of the two natures in Christ, etc. ...

Besides, they are ardent advocates of 'new measures' and altogether Methodistic in their method of conversion.” In 1845, after severing his connection with the General Synod on account of its refusal to renounce the Reformed doctrines and usages advocated by Schmucker, Kurtz, and Weyl, Wyneken denounced the General Synod as ”Reformed in doctrine, Methodistic in practise, and laboring for the ruin of the Church, whose name she falsely bears.” (_Lutheraner_ 1845,96.) In a letter to Walther, dated December 11, 1844, Dr. Sihler wrote: ”Our main enemies here in Ohio are not only the Methodists, but also the false brethren, the so-called General Synod, which, as generally known, is decidedly Reformed in the doctrine of the Sacraments, and in its practise decidedly Methodistic.” Again, in 1858, Sihler branded Kurtz, Schmucker, and others as ”open counterfeiters, Calvinists, Methodists, Unionists, and traitors and destroyers of the Lutheran Church.” (_L. u. W._ 1858, 137.) The _Lutheran Standard_, October 27, 1847, declared: ”History has already recorded it for posterity that the General Synod is not an Evangelical Lutheran body, inasmuch as it fails to adhere to just those doctrines by which the Evangelical Lutheran Church differs from other denominations. History declares that the General Synod has expressly and without disguise renounced the distinctive doctrines of Lutheranism, and at the same time declared herself in favor of Union and Methodistic practise.” (_Lutheraner_ 2,56; 4,46.) The _Evangelical Lutheran_, published at Springfield, O., remarked that Schmucker and his compeers were engaged in selling Reformed goods under the trademark of Lutheranism. (April 9, 1868.) Dr. Mann, who himself for many years had intimate connections with Philip Schaff, wrote in the _Lutherische Zeitschrift_ of November 17, 1866: ”It is the peculiarity of the un-Lutheran party [of the General Synod] that it is essentially committed to Reformed sentiments. Dr. Schmucker has long ago openly confessed views which are in open conflict with the doctrines of the Lutheran symbols, but harmonize with those of the Reformed confessions, especially of the Zwinglian type. In this sense many of his publications are written, and in this sense he has taught for many, many years in a Lutheran seminary. He is inspired by a Zwinglian-Reformed spirit, and has endeavored to imbue his scholars with it. It has never dawned on him and them what is properly the Lutheran view of Christianity. He himself has not the least sympathy for it.” (Spaeth, _A. Mann_, 189 f.) In 1873 the _Lutheran Visitor_ in the South charged the General Synod with fostering disloyalty to, and causing defections from, the Lutheran Church by destroying the peculiarly distinctive marks of Lutheranism.

(_L. u. W._ 1873,94.)

REVIVALISM.

46. ”Justification by Sensation.”--According to the Bible and the Lutheran Church the divine measures for converting sinners are the preaching of the pure Gospel and the administering of the unadulterated Sacraments. ”New-measurism,” then, as the very term indicates, is a human makes.h.i.+ft. Indeed, the Lutheran Church approves of all methods, also new measures, which merely serve to bring the divine means of grace into motion and men in contact with them. But it condemns all methods and measures, new or old, which hinder or corrupt or eliminate the divine means of grace. The new measures introduced by revivalism, however, are just such corruptions of, and subst.i.tutes for, the divine means of grace. ”Faith comes by hearing, and hearing by the Word of G.o.d”--of this truth New-measurism is a denial _in toto_. New-measurism denies the Gospel-truth that G.o.d is already reconciled and has already pardoned sinners. It denies that this pardon is freely offered in the unconditional promises of G.o.d's Word and in the Sacraments, the seals of grace. It denies that justifying and saving faith is the mere trust in these promises of G.o.d. It denies that faith in these promises alone engenders divine a.s.surance of pardon. It mistakes, as C. P. Krauth put it, justification by sensation for justification by faith. (Spaeth 2, 35.) It holds that one cannot be a.s.sured of grace without certain peculiar sensations, emotions, and feelings in his heart. It denies that faith is purely a gift of G.o.d, and teaches that man must cooperate in his own conversion. It insists that special measures must be resorted to in order to frighten men into doing their share of conversion, and to produce the emotional and neurotic conditions which warrant a.s.surance of grace. As such measures it prescribes emotional appeals, shrieking and shouting in preaching and praying, special prayer-meetings, the anxious bench, protracted meetings, camp-meetings, etc. Revivalism brands men as spiritually dead and unconverted who, like Walther and Wyneken, base their a.s.surance of grace, not on alleged feelings and spiritual experiences, but on the clear and unmistakable promises of G.o.d in His Word and Sacraments. New-measurism condemns and ridicules the old methods of catechetical instruction, doctrinal preaching, and of administering the Sacraments as spiritually ineffective and productive merely of head Christianity and dead orthodoxy. ”Jist git the spirit started,” said a Methodist to C. P. Krauth, ”and then it works like smoke.” ”Very much like smoke, I guess,” answered Krauth. (1,67.) Indeed, Pelagianists, who believe that conversion is a mere outward moral improvement, effected by man's own free will; Romanists, who teach that man can and must by his own efforts and works earn the grace of G.o.d; Arminians and Synergists, who believe in man's ability to cooperate in his own conversion and salvation; Calvinists, who, denying universal grace, base their insurance on special marks of grace in their own hearts and lives; Reformedists and enthusiasts, who deny that Word and Sacraments are the only means of grace, collative as well as operative; Pietists, who insist that the terrors of conscience must be of a peculiar nature and degree, and that faith must be accompanied by a happiness and a sanctification of a special kind and measure before a sinner may fully be a.s.sured of his pardon and conversion,--they all may be, and, in fact, naturally are, in sympathy with one or the other form of New-measurism and revivalism; but Lutherans, who believe in a Gospel of real pardon and power--never. If the Lutheran doctrine of grace and the means of grace is Scriptural, then the work-nerve-and-emotion Christianity of New-measurism is wrong, and _vice versa_. Not Lutheranism, but Arminianism, Enthusiasm, and Reformedism are the premises of revivalism. The fact that New-measurism was enthusiastically hailed, defended, and extensively introduced by her leading men, is but a further proof that the spirit then rampant in the General Synod was not the spirit of Lutheranism.

47. Lutherans Vying with the Fanatics.--The pietism and unionism of Muhlenberg and his colaborers was the door through which, in the days of Wesley and Whitefield, revivalism had found an early, though limited, entrance into the Lutheran Church. And in the course of its history the General Synod was zealous in cultivating and developing the evil inheritance of their fathers. It sounds like a warning against the threatening contagion when D. F. Schaeffer, in the Pastoral Letter of 1831, admonishes: ”Let us faithfully adhere to the Word of G.o.d and follow its precepts unswervingly; let us not follow after those whose enthusiastic behavior is more apt to promote disorder and confusion than true edification. Against such we would warn in a most friendly manner, even if they be never so beloved. As Lutherans we admonish you: 'Be ye therefore followers of G.o.d, as dear children; and walk in love, as Christ also hath loved us, and hath given Himself for us an offering and a sacrifice to G.o.d for a sweet-smelling savor.'” (25.) But the General Synod herself had already opened the door for, and encouraged, the movement. According to Chapter XVI of the const.i.tution adopted 1829 for the District Synods, the annual Special Conferences were to meet for two days, especially in order ”by practical preaching to awaken and convert sinners and to edify believers.” (41.) In the following year the Hartwick Synod was organized, in order more fully to satisfy the craving of their members for revivals. At the convention of the General Synod at Frederick, 1831, a committee reported that the Hartwick Synod, having unanimously voted to join the General Synod, was divided into two conferences which were to meet as often as possible, and whose chief business it was ”by earnest and practical sermons to awaken and convert sinners, and to encourage and edify Christians.” (9.) At Baltimore, 1833, the Ohio Synod was censured for certain utterances against the ”new measures” adopted within the General Synod. Finding revivalism in the Hartwick Synod not advanced enough, a few of its members, in 1837, organized the Franckean Synod, in order to press ”new measures” to the extreme. On the Hartwick Synod the withdrawal acted as an impulse for a greater activity in the same direction. At Chambersburg, 1839, a committee reported on the meeting of this synod held in 1838: ”We take particular pleasure in remarking that the proceedings of this Synod, especially the statements contained in the annual address of its President, afford the most satisfactory evidence that this Synod is decidedly in favor of revivals of religion. Protracted meetings have been held in various parts, and the Lord has especially blessed them; from which we have reason to believe that true and undefiled religion is more and more abounding within its limits. All the religious operations of the day, such as Tract Societies, Temperance Societies, etc., etc., enjoy the hearty support of this Synod.” (13.) The minutes of the General Synod, of the District Synods, the _Lutheran Observer_, etc., soon began to teem with reports on revivals, visitations, outpourings, refres.h.i.+ng showers, etc. (_L. u. W._ 1857, 27.) At the convention of the Maryland Synod in Frederick, 1842, Harkey proposed the publication of the _Revivalist_, a monthly to be devoted to the history and defense of revivals, revival intelligence, the best measures and means of promoting and managing revivals--a plan which Synod declined as ”inexpedient.” At the same convention B. Kurtz, the advocate of the wildest revivalism, succeeded in having a committee appointed to draft a minute expressive of the views of Synod in regard to ”new measures.” The report was discussed for two days, when it was referred back to the committee, and at the next meeting of Synod the committee was excused from further consideration of the subject. (Spaeth 1, 111.) As late as 1876 the _American Lutheran_ declared that the great majority of the pastors and congregations of the General Synod favored revivals; that they managed them on the lines of those conducted by Moody and Sankey; that some of the congregations employed sectarian preachers for protracted meetings. (_L. u. W._ 1876, 182.) When, in 1877, the _American Lutheran_ merged into the _Observer_, Dr. Conrad solemnly promised to continue defending revivalism. (_L. u. W._ 1877, 60.) In 1908, referring to revivals still occasionally reported in the _Observer_, the _Lutherische Herold_ remarked that this sort of enthusiasm, formerly the rule in the Eastern and Central States, had as yet not nearly died out, _e. g._, in the General Synod congregations of Eastern and Central Pennsylvania. (_L. u. W._ 1908, 322.) Down to 1918 occasional revivals were held or partic.i.p.ated in by congregations and ministers of the General Synod. Several years ago Rev. Bell cooperated in a revival conducted by Billy Sunday in Toledo, etc. According to _Church Work and Observer_, November 9, 1916, the General Synod church at Gettysburg, Pa., conducted a joint revival with Presbyterians, Methodists, and United Brethren.

48. ”The Lever of Archimedes.”--In the revival agitation which swept over America in the decades following 1830 practically all of the English Lutheran churches (the German churches, in part, stood aloof) caught the contagion in a malignant form and in great numbers. While even Prof. J. W. Nevin, Schaff's colleague at Mercersburg, in his book _The Anxious Bench_ (1844), antagonized the extravagances of a movement which was germane to his own church, Lutherans such as Schmucker, Kurtz, Harkey, Pa.s.savant, and many others, became extremists in practising, and fanatics in advocating, ”new measures” as the most needful and only effective methods of accelerating and deepening conversion and reviving the Lutheran Church. Vying in their wild extravagances with the most fanatical of the sects, Lutherans, in not a few places, condemned as spiritually dead formalists, head and memory Christians, all who adhered to the sound principles and old ways of Lutheranism. (Gerberding, _The Way of Life_, 197 ff.) S. L. Harkey, himself a fiery New-measurist, describes a revival held in connection with the convention of the Synod of the West, in 1839, as follows: ”In an instant every soul in

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