Part 8 (1/2)
Rockefeller influence in the White House began in 1894 with the election of William McKinley. But it was not until the election of Franklin Delano Roosevelt that it became a deciding factor in determining policy. In many ways, the New Deal was a Rockefeller deal.*
* Although it is generally believed that the New Deal was designed to help business and the stock market quickly recover from the depression, its effect was to prolong the depression for several years.
We now know that this resuIt was deliberately contrived; among other reasons, the Rockefellers wanted a depressed stock market so they could buy up shares cheaply. (It is worth noting that the ”New Deal deaIt most kindly with the Rockefeller interests.
For detailed information see Chapter III of the author's book, None Dare Call It Conspiracy, and Antony Sutton's Wall Street and F.D.R.) ''Single acts of tyranny may be ascribed to the accidental opinion of a day, but a series of oppressions, begun at a distinguished period, unalterable through every change of ministers, too plainly prove a deliberate, systematical plan of reducing us to slavery.''
-Thomas JeffersonThe main Rockefeller agent was Harry Hopkins, who had been financed by the Rockefeller - foundation for more than a decade when he ran the Organized Social Service. Hopkins was to become Franklin D.
Roosevelt's alter ego, even to the point of living in the White House. He was the second most powerful man in America during the war years.
As Walter Winch.e.l.l reported at the time, Hopkins acknowledged his debt to the Rockefellers when he was appointed Secretary of Commerce, by offering the post of a.s.sistant Secretary to Nelson. William Rusher tells us in the Los Angeles Herald Examiner of September 7, 1975: Nelson Rockefeller was recruited for the New Deal by FDR's confidante, Harry Hopkins, back in the 1930 's.... He apparently wasn't even a Republican by 1940, let along a conservative. In that year, at any rate, as World War II approached America, FDR did him the handsome favor of giving him a soft civilian berth in the White House where he remained straight through to V-J Day.
The fact that Nelson's name was number ten on the local draft board list, when he fortuitously -landed- his job with the New Deal, may explain why the young Rockefeller was so willing to abandon a plush family position to join the Was.h.i.+ngton bureaucracy.
The New York Times of May 20, 1960, reveals that after his appointment -Rockefeller became a Roosevelt intimate, spending secret holidays with the President at Shangri-la (now Camp David). . . .”
Twenty years later, Nelson reminisced to Newsweek that” this country hasn't had a sense of purpose and direction since Roosevelt.”In that 1962 interview, the future Vice President dismissed conservative Republicans, saying they were ” like cattle that aren't going anywhere.”
In the Dwight D. Eisenhower (CFR) administration, Nelson helped to create and served as a.s.sistant Secretary in the Department of Health, Education and Welfare,which now takes an even larger portion of the Federal Budget than does defense. But the job of running a government is so immense that the Rockefellers must delegate most of -the work to friends, a.s.sociates, hirelings and agents.
Eisenhower's first Secretary of State, John Foster Dulles (CFR), was a Rockefeller cousin. Dulles'
successor was Christian Herter (CFR), who had the good sense to marry into the Standard Oil fortune.
Herbert Brownell (CFR) was a Rockefeller employee when Eisenhower tapped him to be Attorney General. Brownell subsequently selected hundreds of federal judges, district attorneys, US Marshals, and White House staffers.
Seventeen other key figures at the top of the Eisenhower Administration were supplied by the Rockefellers' CFR.
Soon after his election as President, John F. Kennedy (CFR) followed Rocky's advice and named Dean Rusk of the CFR to be his Secretary of State. Rusk, whom Kennedy had never met, took a leave of absence as head of the Rockefeller Foundation to accept the post.
Kennedy's appointment for Under Secretary of State was Chester Bowles, a fellow CFR member who has been a trustee of the Rockefeller Brothers Fund and a director of the Rockefeller Foundation.
Democrat Kennedy then named Standard Oil executive Alexander Trowbridge (CFR) as a.s.sistant Secretary of Commerce, and President Johnson later promoted him to Secretary of Commerce.
President Kennedy also named Roswell Gilpatrick (CFR), a trustee of the Rockefeller Brothers Fund, as Deputy Secretary of Defense. Virtually every top position in the administration of JFK and LBJ was held by a member of the CFR. Richard Nixon appointed Nelson Rockefeller's attorney John Mitch.e.l.l as Attorney General, and Mitch.e.l.l ran the President's campaign for re-election and became his chief advisor on domestic policy. Nixon's first Vice President was the ill-fated Spiro Agnew, who had been national chairman of the Rockefeller for President Committee in 1968 and an outspoken opponent of Nixon until Rocky approved his White House role.
Chief advisor to both Nixon and Ford on foreign policy, of course, is the ubiquitious Secretary of State, Henry Kissinger, who left a staff position with the CFR to join the Nixon Administration. For ten years Kissinger had been Nelson Rockefeller's personal foreign policy advisor. Altogether Richard Nixon staffed his Administration with over 115 CFR members. (The complete list is contained in the author's Richard Nixon: The Man Behind The Mask.) The vast majority of these remain in the Ford-Rockefeller (or is it vice-versa?) regime.
Years ago, Nelson Rockefeller reportedly demanded, and received, the privilege of naming his men to top administrative posts on all important Republican committees-including the vital National, Senatorial, Congressional, and Policy committees. The effect on the Republican Party is all too (perfectly) clear. It has been reliably estimated that over the years the Rockefellers have placed at least five thousand persons in important positions at the highest levels of the federal government. The Rockefeller influence and authority now runs the top Civil Service bureaucracy, thereby transcending the administrations of mere Republicans and Democrats.*
Having a big stake in an internationalist foreign policy, the Rockefellers always make sure that the Secretary of State and the Director of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) are ”their boys”. Marshall, Acheson, Dulles, Herter, Rusk and Kissinger have all labored to turn the backward Soviet Union into a creditable power to force the Great Merger, while at the same time fighting wars to make the world safe for Standard Oil. The CIA has served as the State Department's and Standard Oil's enforcement arm, destroying genuine anti-communist movements around the world.* (Chile seems to be the one exception. Apparently the Rockefellers did not care to lose their holdings in that nation.) The CIA was created and staffed by Rockefeller relative Allen Dulles.
* Indeed, Ford's most important early appointment was Edward Levi as Attorney General. Levi was the first Attorney General in modern history who had never met the President who appointed him. It is well known in Was.h.i.+ngton political circles that Levi, from the Rockefeller -endowed University of Chicago, and not a Republican, was Nelson's choice. The new Attorney General has a reputation of being about as conservative as Mao's Red Guard.
American foreign policy has meant billions of dollars for the Rockefellers. It has been paid for in many cases by the blood of our soldiers and in every case by the sweat of our taxpayers. In his Reminiscences John D. Rockefeller informs us: ”One of our greatest helpers has been the State Department in Was.h.i.+ngton. Our amba.s.sadors and ministers and consuls have aided to push our way into new markets to the utmost corners of the world.- Was.h.i.+ngton reporter jack Anderson put it this way in 1967: ”. . . the State Department has often taken its policies right out of the executive suites of the oil companies. When Big Oil can't get what it wants in foreign countries, the State Department tries to get it for them. In many countries, the American Emba.s.sies function virtually as branch offices for the Oil combine ... The State Department can be found almost always on the side of the ,seven sisters', as the oil giants are known inside the industry. . .
.- The more things change, the more they remain the same.Just as the Rockefellers make sure their capos are running” our-perenially disastrous foreign policy, you can bet your last devalued dollar that the Rockefeller Mafia controls the national and international money game.
* The Rockefellers occasionally lose a property to nationalization- at least temporarily - through madcap coups, but such instances are remarkably rare.
Here is where Rockefeller influence in the World Bank comes in handy. In the Political Economics of International Oil, Michael Tanzer admits that, although the World Bank favors active government partic.i.p.ation in virtually every other area, oil is a major exception: ”. . . the general policies of the Bank strongly tend to favor minimizing the public sector's role. . . . The World Bank too has refused to lend money for any government oil operations in underdeveloped countries. In addition, the Bank has also played an active, albeit subsurface, role in trying to dissuade underdeveloped countries from using their own capital for oil exploration. , . .”
The Rockefellers have made the Treasury Department virtually a branch of the Chase Manhattan Bank.
Eisenhower's Secretary of the Treasury was Robert Anderson (CFR). Kennedy -switched- to Douglas Dillon (CFR and a trustee of the Rockefeller Brothers Fund). Henry Fowler (CFR) was the House of Rockefeller's rep heading the Treasury during the LBJ era. And in the year of our Ford, William Simon (CFR) runs the temple for the CFR money changers.
While Secretary of the Treasury is a significant position, chairman of the Federal Reserve Board is infinitely more important. The Federal Reserve is a mystery wrapped in an enigma for most Americans.
Yet it is critical to the Rockefeller manipulations of the economy.
The Rockefellers were instrumental in creating the Federal Reserve System. It was designed at a secret meeting in 1910 at Jekyl Island off the coast of Georgia. Rockefeller agent Frank Vanderlip admitted many years later in his memoirs: ”Despite my views about the value to society of greater publicity for the affairs of corporations, there was an occasion, near the close of 1910, when I was as secretive indeed as furtive -as any conspirator ...
I do not feel it is any exaggeration to speak of our secret expedition to Jekyl Island as the occasion of the actual conception of what eventually became the Federal Reserve System.”
Out of the Jekyl Island meeting came the Monetary Commission Report and from it, the Aldrich Bill.
Warburg had urged that the proposed legislation be designated simply, the - Federal Reserve System, 11 but Aldrich insisted his name appear as the bill's chief sponsor. This proved to be a serious mistake; the legislation was so obviously a project of the international bankers that it could not be pushed through Congress.
A new strategy had to be devised. The Republican Party was too closely identified with Wall Street. The conspirators recognized that the only way to establish a central bank was to disguise the proposal, and have it promoted by Democrats as a means to strip Wall Street of its power!
The opportunity to do this came in 1912 when the Jekyl Island conspirators induced Teddy RooseveIt to run on a third party ticket to split the Republican vote. The resuIt was that the underdog Democrat, Woodrow Wilson, won. Wilson paid off like a slot machine that has just rung up three bars.** A more comprehensive account of the creation and operation of the Federal Reserve is told in the author's book, None Dare Call It Conspiracy.
In order to support the fiction that the Federal Reserve Act was a -people's bill,” the Insider financiers put up a smoke-screen of opposition to it. It was strictly a case of Br'er Rabbit begging not to be thrown into the briar patch ,Both Aldrich and Vanderlip denounced what was actually their own bill. Nearly twenty-five years later, frank Vanderlip admitted:”No walthough the Aldrich Federal Reserve Plan was defeated when it bore the name Aldrich nevertheless its essential points were all contained in the plan that finally was adopted.
Taking advantage of Congress' desire to adjourn for Christmas, the Federal Reserve Act was pa.s.sed or December 22, 1913, by a vote of 298 to 60 in the House and in the Senate by a majority of 43 to 25.
After the vote, Congressman Charles A. Lindberg Sr. father of the famous aviator, told Congress: ” This act establishes the most gigantic trust on earth ...When the President signs this act the invisible government by the money power, proven to exist by the Money Trust investigation, will be legalized. . .
This is the Aldrich Bill in disguise.
The new law will create inflation whenever the trusts want inflation. .
The Federal Reserve Act was, and still is, hailed as a victory of ”democracy” over the ”money trust.”
Nothing could be further from the truth. The whole central bank concept was engineered by the very group it was supposed to strip of power.
How powerful is our central bank” ?
The Federal Reserve controls our money supply and interest rates, and thereby manipulates the entire economy creating inflation or deflation, recession or boom, and sending the stock market up or down at will. The Federal Reserve is so powerful that Congressman Wright Patman, Chairman of the House Banking Committee, maintains: ”In the United States today we have in effect two governments ... We have the duly const.i.tuted Government ... Then we have an independent, uncontrolled and uncoordinated government in the Federal Reserve System, operating the money powers which are reserved to Congress by the Const.i.tution.”
Neither Presidents, Congressmen nor Secretaries of the Treasury direct the Federal Reserve. In the matters of money, the Federal Reserve directs them!
How successful has the Federal Reserve System been? It depends on your point of view. Since Woodrow Wilson took his oath of office, the national debt has skyrocketed from $1 billion to over $500 billion. Interest paid to the international bankers holding that debt is staggering; at $27 billion annually, it is now the third largest item in the Federal Budget. And it is climbing steeply, as inflation pushes up the interest rate on government bonds, while the government runs grotesque deficits every year.
Under the brilliant expertise of these Rockefeller-CFR money managers, the dollar has lost three-fourths of its purchasing power since 1940. And the pace is accelerating. Soon your paper dollar, now totally divorced from gold and silver by Rockefellers' agents, will not be worth a plugged nickel. It's all right for the Rockefellers, they don't have to live on a fixed income or a pension.