Part 3 (1/2)
”The corruption of the atmosphere came from the east, but the disease itself came not upon the wings of the wind, but was only excited and increased by the atmosphere where it had previously existed.”
”The most powerful of all the springs of the disease was contagion; for in the most distant countries, which had scarcely yet heard the echo of the first concussion, the people fell a sacrifice to organic poison, the untimely offspring of vital energies thrown into violent commotion.”
”After the cessation of the Black Plague, a greater fecundity in women was every where remarkable, a grand phenomena, which from its occurrence after every destructive pestilence, proves to conviction the prevalence of a higher power in the direction of general organic life.” {57}
In the article Contagion, of the Essay, Sweating Sickness: ”Most fevers which are produced by general causes, propagate themselves for a time spontaneously.” ”The exhalations of the affected become the germs of a similar decomposition in those bodies which receive them, and produce in these a like attack upon the internal organs, _and thus a merely morbid phenomenon of life, shows that it possesses the fundamental property of all life, that of propagating itself in an appropriate soil. On this point there is no doubt, the phenomena which prove it have been observed from time immemorial, in an endless variety of circ.u.mstances, but always with a uniform manifestation of a fundamental law._”
Mead, in his Essay on the Plague, makes many observations of great interest and worthy a physician of eminence; and where, in recent times, shall we look for any more definite information concerning the causes of pestilences? It is not a little singular that at the time this book was published, it was read with such avidity that it went through seven editions in one year.[22] From this circ.u.mstance we may gather that the public generally took a lively and proper interest in a subject that was not only of domestic, but national importance. Whether this interest was stimulated by the fact that the work was written expressly by order of the {58} government, it is now impossible to say, at any rate much credit is due to the Lords of the Regency for having placed so important a duty upon one so thoroughly and in every way so duly qualified for the task as Dr.
Mead. It had been well if some of the advice given at that time, as means of protection against the Plague, had been applied and put in force during the late visitation of epidemic Cholera, for, however the minds of some may be convinced of the non-contagiousness of Cholera, there are many who hold a different opinion, and all will acknowledge, that if not strictly a contagious affection, it is clearly proved to be capable of being carried from place to place, or to use Dr. Copland's words, it is ”a portable disease.” But this is not the place to discuss the subject of contagion, allusion will be made to it hereafter. To return, Mead's expressions are singularly ill.u.s.trative of the vital power possessed by the germs of disease; he says, ”There are instances of the distemper's being stopt by the winter cold, and yet the seeds of it not destroyed, but only kept unactive, _till the warmth of the following spring has given them new life and force_. His confession as to the hidden cause of the disease, is worthy transcribing: ”We are acquainted too little with the laws, by which the small parts of matter act upon each other, to be able precisely to determine the qualities requisite to change animal juices into such acrimonious humours, or to explain {59} how all the distinguis.h.i.+ng symptoms attending the disease are produced.”[23]
On the spread of the Plague is the following:--”The plague is a _real poison_, which being bred in the southern parts of the world, maintains itself there by circulating from infected persons to goods, that when the const.i.tution of the air happens to favour infection, it rages with great violence.” Contagious matter is lodged in goods of a loose and soft texture, which being packed up, and carried into other countries, let out, when opened, the imprisoned seeds of contagion, and produce the disease whenever the air is disposed to give them force, ”otherwise they may be dispersed without any considerable ill effects.” Gibbon thus speaks of the above quoted work: ”I have read with pleasure Mead's short but elegant Treatise concerning Pestilential Disorders;” many also might read it at the present day with infinite advantage. Mead most satisfactorily combats the opinions of the French physicians who maintained the non-contagiousness of the Plague. Experience proves beyond doubt, that certain conditions of atmosphere, of {60} which we are ignorant, favour the growth and increase of pestilences as they do of all vegetation.
Dr. Bancroft was of opinion that specific contagions are each and severally creatures of Divine Wisdom, as distinctly and designedly exerted for their production, as it was to create the several species of animals and vegetables around us.
The indigenous fever of Ireland, which has several times shewn itself in an epidemic form, appears to have been as fatal, as the Plague in the South of Europe. Its devastations have generally been a.s.sociated or preceded by famine and general distress. Dr. Harty, writing in 1820, says that thrice within the last eighty years has the same fever appeared in its epidemic character. In the year 1741 Ireland lost 80,000 of her inhabitants from this cause. It is a maculated typhus, and considered to be a special product of the Emerald Isle. It has been shewn that fever began to exceed its ordinary rate in those places first where famine and want of employment were most severely felt,[24] and that in such places and under such circ.u.mstances, it was most prevalent and fatal. The physicians generally believed it to have been spontaneously produced and not to have been imported. In the last Famine Fever of Ireland, Liverpool and several other places suffered severely from the {61} importation of their Channel neighbours with the disease in some instances, and the infection in others about their persons. Hitherto these have to all appearance been the limits of the affection; we know not, however, how soon the time may come when the invisible bonds which have thus chained the disease to certain localities may be severed, and spreading itself like other pestilences in an aggravated form, attack this country as a last and crowning act of retributive justice. At present it has but cost us money and regrets, but if the history of pestilences is to be heeded, there are many tokens which seem to indicate that a few slight concurrent circ.u.mstances only are wanting, to bring the full force of this disease upon us; then will there be a sacrifice of life. Edinburgh and other towns of Scotland have had some visitations already, ourselves but slightly, but let our labouring population suffer to any large extent for want of work, and we shall inevitably be the sufferers from that fever which in consequence of general dest.i.tution is now always more or less prevalent in Ireland.
The Sweating Sickness prevailed in England alone at first, but at length sought foreign victims. The Cholera is an exotic disease, as well as the Plague, but they occasionally have visited our sh.o.r.es, and their seeds remain among us. The Small Pox is now even not known in some parts of the world, but when once it is established, who can predict the period of its first appearance in an {62} epidemic form. The history of the disease informs us that in all the countries where it has been introduced, sooner or later an epidemic has seized the inhabitants.
A disease previously unknown in India appeared at Rangoon in the year 1824, which obtained the name of Scarlatina Rheumatica. Four years afterwards it attacked the Southern States of North America, and though the disease was so impartial as scarcely to spare a single individual of any town to which it extended its influence, it was not accompanied with that mortality which has usually been the characteristic of wide spread epidemics.
There is one peculiar feature of all epidemics which may be here mentioned as indicative of some definite, though at present unaccountable cause, operating in the sudden suppression of the disease after a certain period of duration. This distinctive character may almost be considered as a law in reference to these affections; if we take three distinct diseases, the Plague, the Irish Fever and the Cholera, we find the rule apply to all. Of the latter disease we have so recently been witnesses, that I need not quote authorities on this point concerning it. In Dr. Patrick Russell's work on the Plague at Aleppo I find the following remarkable pa.s.sage. After alluding to the great increase of pestilential effluvia that there must be towards the close of an epidemic, compared with the amount at the onset of the disease, and expressing his {63} astonishment that so many escape infection, he says: ”The fact, however unaccountable, is unquestionably certain; the distemper seems to be extinguished by some cause or causes equally unknown, as those which concurred to render it more or less epidemical in its advance and at its height.” He then mentions that in Europe the sudden cessation may be partly attributable to the measures adopted for preventing its extension; but ”at Aleppo, where the disease is left to run its natural course, and few or no means of purification are employed, it pursues nearly the same progress in different years; it declines and revives in certain seasons, and at length, without the interference of human aid, ceases entirely.”
The expressions of Dr. Harty on this subject, in connexion with the Irish Fever, would apply as well to all other epidemics: ”It is a fact, that though every diversity of management was resorted to for effecting the suppression of the disease, yet, nevertheless, there was an almost simultaneous and apparently spontaneous decline of the epidemic in the various and most remote parts of Ireland. It is not an easy matter to offer a satisfactory explanation of this circ.u.mstance, _some general cause must_ no doubt have influenced the subsidence of the disease, yet that cause could not be atmospheric, inasmuch as the decline, though it might be said to be simultaneous, was not sufficiently so to admit of that explanation.”
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SECTION III.
THE DISPERSION OF PLANTS AND DISEASES.
The dispersion of Diseases and the dispersion of Plants, exhibit a.n.a.logies which might be little expected, on a superficial view of the enquiry.
We are led to believe, that the earth as a whole, was not covered with vegetation in a day, the geological history of this planet is one of development, and though at first sight this expression of opinion may appear to savour of doubt in the Mosaic record, a more extended acquaintance with the subject, favours rather and confirms Scripture history.
As the peopling of the earth has been a gradual process with the animal creation, so has it been also with the vegetable kingdom. We see at the present day, that plants by various means of transit from place to place, multiply themselves on new soils and in new climes, the same with animals.
By other means we observe, or can trace, the extinction from various localities and countries, of members of both the animal and vegetable kingdom.
We learn that originally this planet had a temperature much higher than at present, and that the variation of temperature between the equator and the poles, which we now witness, did not obtain in the earlier condition of the globe. We are given to understand, and not without considerable proof, {65} if not demonstration, that the earth was a vast bog, in which rank vegetation grew, and in which the ichthyosauri and plesiosauri, must have floundered about as unwieldy and loathsome bodies. We can readily conceive a condition of atmosphere at this time to have been loaded with pestiferous vapours of an organized nature; it is entirely in accordance with all we know, that it should have been so. Allied forms of plants to those now in existence, are found in the form of fossils, by which comparisons are made, but how the transition into the present Flora took place, or at what period, it is impossible to say. That these plants should have been entirely destroyed during the revolutions of the earth by earthquakes, and their consequences; the collection of waters into the vacuities formed, and their draining off from other places by elevations of the land, is not to be dwelt on without astonishment; then again the ultimate changes of temperature on the surface of the earth, may have been another element in the history of their extinction. But if we may be allowed to imagine that there were organic germs floating in the vapours of the atmosphere, these would hardly be subject to the same influences as those which depended solely on their fixation to the soil for subsistence. The atmosphere, their native element, being influenced by the commotions from below, would be agitated; vortiginous currents would be established, hurricanes would sweep over the stagnant pool and reeking mora.s.s, {66} and the higher regions of the air might have thus given protection to these subtle germs, while almost a total extinction of the elegant ferns, the stately palm, and the towering cane was in course of procedure. Then when the strife of the earth and elements had subsided, these would descend with the gentle breezes, and again find in various spots a local habitation--
”Where blue mists, through the unmoving atmosphere, Scatter the seeds of pestilence _and feed unnatural vegetation_.”
In the new era, when the earth took its present physiognomy, who shall say whether much of the pestiferous matter may not have been enclosed and condensed in the bowels of the earth, and when it is remembered, that earthquakes and convulsions of nature,[25] have invariably preceded the outbreak of {67} any great pestilences, that stinking mists, coming from some unknown regions, and unusual vegetations have made their appearance in concert at these times, what I ask is more natural than to imagine, that they have been let loose during the general convulsion? It may be asked, what is to be said about that revolution of the earth, when the great Deluge spread over the whole face of the globe? It can only be replied, that this is a part of the scheme of cosmogony into which we are not called upon to enter. There are yet strenuous supporters of the partial as well as total submersion of this planet, but whether it be true that the vast torrents which appear to have swept the surface uniformly in a southern direction, were of a date coeval with the deluge, and const.i.tuted an essential portion of the phenomena, of which one was, that ”the fountains of the great deep were broken up,” or whether they were anterior to this catastrophe, will not at all interfere with the conjecture of a very early formation and propagation of the germs of pestilential diseases, for the commotions of a deluge were less likely to interfere with the vapours of the atmosphere, than extensive volcanic and electric disturbances.
Moreover, it is rather in favour of this theory, that the {68} regions where the temperature and exhalations most nearly resemble those of the former condition of the earth, are those in which pestilential disorders most frequently arise, and where their virulence has always been most strongly marked.
After the various commotions which left the globe, with its present physiognomy of mountains, plains, valleys, rivers, lakes, and oceans; a new Flora and Fauna appeared to adorn and animate the scene of man's existence.
Plants and animals were created apparently in adaptation to the numerous climes, which the seasons in the various lat.i.tudes or the elevations of the soil, were prepared to render fruitful and useful each in its own sphere.
Besides this, the plants of the same lat.i.tude, in some instances, differ materially from each other; in this case it seems that the soil has much to do with this peculiarity, for it is certain that the soil and the contiguous atmosphere, have a close and intimate relation; the drought of the desert depends upon the sand, as humid atmosphere is connected with the mora.s.s. To ill.u.s.trate the tendency which vegetation shews in appropriating one locality more than another, I may quote the following: ”Some of the volcanic ma.s.ses of the aeolian or Lipari Islands, that have existed beyond the reach of history, are still without a blade of verdure; while others in various parts, of little more than two hundred years date, bear spontaneous vegetation, and the same is seen on two lavas of Etna near each other, for the one {69} of 1536 is still black and arid, while that of 1636, is covered with oaks, fruit trees, and vines.”