Part 6 (2/2)
[23] See ”The Story of the Dockers' Strike,” by Vaughan Nash and H. (now Sir Hubert) Llewellyn Smith; Fisher Unwin, 1890.
Chapter V
”Fabian Essays” and the Lancas.h.i.+re Campaign: 1890-3
”Fabian Essays” published--Astonis.h.i.+ng success--A new presentation of Socialism--Reviewed after twenty-five years--Henry Hutchinson--The Lancas.h.i.+re Campaign--Mrs. Besant withdraws--”Fabian News.”
Volumes of essays by various writers seldom have any durable place in the history of thought because as a rule they do not present a connected body of ideas, but merely the opinions of a number of people who start from incompatible premises and arrive at inconsistent conclusions. A book, to be effective, must maintain a thesis, or at any rate must be a closely integrated series of propositions, and, as a rule, thinkers strong enough to move the world are too independent to pull together in a team.
”Fabian Essays,” the work of seven writers, all of them far above the average in ability, some of them possessing individuality now recognised as exceptional, is a book and not a collection of essays. This resulted from two causes. The writers had for years known each other intimately and shared each other's thoughts; they had hammered out together the policy which they announced; and they had moulded each other's opinions before they began to write. Secondly the book was planned in advance.
Its scheme was arranged as a whole, and then the parts were allotted to each author, with an agreement as to the ground to be covered and the method to be adopted, in view of the harmonious whole which the authors had designed. It is not often that circ.u.mstances permit of a result so happy. ”Fabian Essays” does not cover the whole field of Fabian doctrine, and in later years schemes were often set on foot for a second volume dealing with the application of the principles propounded in the first. But these schemes never even began to be successful. With the pa.s.sage of time the seven essayists had drifted apart. Each was working at the lines of thought most congenial to himself; they were no longer young and unknown men; some of the seven were no longer available.
Anyway, no second series of Essays ever approached completion.
[Ill.u.s.tration: _From a photograph By Savony of New York_
MRS. ANNE BESANT, IN 1890]
Bernard Shaw was the editor, and those who have worked with him know that he does not take lightly his editorial duties. He corrects his own writings elaborately and repeatedly, and he does as much for everything which comes into his care. The high literary level maintained by the Fabian tracts is largely the result of constant scrutiny and amendment, chiefly by Sidney Webb and Bernard Shaw, although the tract so corrected may be published as the work of some other member.
Although therefore all the authors of ”Fabian Essays” were competent, and some of them practised writers, it may be a.s.sumed that every phrase was considered, and every word weighed, by the editor before the book went to press.[24]
A circular inviting subscriptions for the book was sent out in the spring, and three hundred copies were subscribed in advance.
Arrangements with a publisher fortunately broke down because he declined to have the book printed at a ”fair house,” and as Mrs. Besant was familiar with publis.h.i.+ng--she then controlled, or perhaps _was_, the Freethought Publis.h.i.+ng Company, of 63 Fleet Street--the Committee resolved on the bold course of printing and publis.h.i.+ng the book themselves. A frontispiece was designed by Walter Crane, a cover by Miss May Morris, and just before Christmas, 1889, the book was issued to subscribers and to the public.
None of us at that time was sufficiently experienced in the business of authors.h.i.+p to appreciate the astonis.h.i.+ng success of the venture. In a month the whole edition of 1000 copies was exhausted. With the exception of Mrs. Besant, whose fame was still equivocal, not one of the authors had published any book of importance, held any public office, or was known to the public beyond the circles of London political agitators.
The Society they controlled numbered only about 150 members. The subject of their volume was far less understood by the public than is Syndicalism at the present day. And yet a six-s.h.i.+lling book, published at a private dwelling-house and not advertised in the press, or taken round by travellers to the trade, sold almost as rapidly as if the authors had been Cabinet Ministers.
A second edition of 1000 copies was issued in March, 1890: in September Mr. Walter Scott undertook the agency of a new s.h.i.+lling paper edition, 5000 of which were sold before publication and some 20,000 more within a year. In 1908 a sixpenny paper edition with a new preface by the editor was issued by Walter Scott, of which 10,000 were disposed of in a few months, and in all some 46,000 copies of the book have been sold in English editions alone. It is difficult to trace the number of foreign editions and translations. The authors made over to the Society all their rights in the volume, and permission for translation and for publication in the United States has always been freely given. In that country we can trace an edition in 1894, published by Charles E. Brown of Boston, with an Introduction by Edward Bellamy and a Preface of some length on the Fabian Society and its work by William Clarke: and another edition in 1909, published by the Ball Publis.h.i.+ng Company of Boston, also with the Introduction on the Fabian Society. A Dutch translation by F.M. Wibaut was published in 1891; in 1806 the Essays, translated into Norwegian by Francis Wolff, appeared as a series of small books; and in 1897 a German translation by Dora Lande was issued by G.H. Wigand of Leipzig.
The effect of ”Fabian Essays” arose as much from what it left out as from what it contained. Only the fast-dwindling band of pioneer Socialists, who lived through the movement in its earliest days, can fully realise the environment of ideas from which ”Fabian Essays” showed a way of escape.
The Socialism of the Social Democratic Federation and the Socialist League, the two societies which had hitherto represented Socialism to the general public, was altogether revolutionary. Socialism was to be the result of an outbreak of violence, engineered by a great popular organisation like that of the Chartists or the Anti-Corn Law League, and the Commune of Paris in 1871 was regarded as a premature attempt which pointed the way to future success. The Socialist Government thus established was to reconstruct the social and industrial life of the nation according to a plan supposed to be outlined by Karl Marx. ”On the morrow of the revolution” all things would be new, and at a bound the nation was expected to reach something very like the millennium.
The case for this project was based, strange to say, not on any history but on the Marxian a.n.a.lysis of the origin of the value of commodities, and no man who did not understand this a.n.a.lysis, or pretend to understand it, was fit to be called a ”comrade.” The economic reasoning which ”proved” this ”law” was expressed in obscure and technical language peculiar to the propagandists of the movement, and every page of Socialist writings was studded with the then strange words ”proletariat” and ”bourgeoisie.”
Lastly, the whole world, outside the socialist movement, was regarded as in a conspiracy of repression. Liberals (all capitalists), Tories (all landlords), the Churches (all hypocrites), the rich (all idlers), and the organised workers (all sycophants) were treated as if they fully understood and admitted the claims of the Socialists, and were determined for their own selfish ends to reject them at all costs.
Although the Fabian propaganda had no doubt had some effect, especially amongst the working-cla.s.s Radicals of London, and although some of the Socialist writers and speakers, such as William Morris, did not at all times present to the public the picture of Socialism just outlined, it will not be denied by anybody whose recollections reach back to this period that Socialism up to 1890 was generally regarded as insurrectionary, dogmatic, Utopian, and almost incomprehensible.
”Fabian Essays” presented the case for Socialism in plain language which everybody could understand. It based Socialism, not on the speculations of a German philosopher, but on the obvious evolution of society as we see it around us. It accepted economic science as taught by the accredited British professors; it built up the edifice of Socialism on the foundations of our existing political and social inst.i.tutions: it proved that Socialism was but the next step in the development of society, rendered inevitable by the changes which followed from the industrial revolution of the eighteenth century.
It is interesting after twenty-five years to re-read these essays and to observe how far the ideas that inspired them are still valid, and how far the prophecies made have been fulfilled.
Bernard Shaw contributed the first Essay on ”The Economic Basis of Socialism,” and also a second, a paper read to the British a.s.sociation in September, 1888, on the ”Transition to Social Democracy.” His characteristic style retains its charm, although the abstract and purely deductive economic a.n.a.lysis on which he relied no longer commends itself to the modern school of thought. Sidney Webb's ”Historic Basis” is as readable as ever, except where he quotes at length political programmes long forgotten, and recounts the achievements of munic.i.p.al socialism with which we are all now familiar.
William Clarke in explaining the ”Industrial Basis” a.s.sumed that the industry would be rapidly dominated by trusts--then a new phenomenon--with results, the crus.h.i.+ng out of all other forms of industrial organisation, which are but little more evident to-day, though we should no longer think worthy of record that the Standard Oil Company declared a 10 per cent cash dividend in 1887!
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