Volume I Part 66 (1/2)

[Footnote 1208: See the correspondence of Vargas with Philip II.

(letters of Sept. 30, Oct. 3 and 7, 1561), Papiers d'etat du card.

Granvelle, vi. 342, 372, and 380; De Thou, iii. 78, 79; or the very full account of Prof. Soldan, i. 515-521.]

[Footnote 1209: Rel. di Marc' Antonio Barbaro, Rel. des Amb. Ven., ii.

88, 89. ”e proceduto esso ambasciatore con la regina e Navarra con parole quasi sempre aspre e severe, minacciando di guerra dal canto del re suo, et dicendo in faccia alle lor maesta parole a.s.sai gagliarde e pungenti, e levando al re di Navarra del tutto la speranza della ricompensa, stando le cose in quei termini, et ponendoli inanzi l'inimicizia di Filippo.”]

[Footnote 1210: ”Etenim si de ilia (spe) ejiceretur dubium non erat, quin se totum ad Calvinistas converteret, et qui c.u.m pudore ac simultatione illis favebat, perfricta fronte eorum sectam ita promoveret, ut brevissimo tempore totum Galliae regnum occuparet.”

Sanctacrucii, de civ. Gall. diss. comment., 1471.]

[Footnote 1211: Ibid., 1473.]

[Footnote 1212: Santacrucii, de civ. Galliae diss. com., 1472, 1473. That the whole affair was planned in deceit and treachery, is patent not only from Santa Croce's account both in his letters and in his systematic treatise, but from the whole of the Vargas correspondence. Even when the Pope--much to the amba.s.sador's disgust--thought of complying with Antoine's request to intercede with Philip for some indemnification for the loss of the kingdom of Navarre, he took the pains to explain that his urgency would not amount to importunity, much less to a command; his aim was only to feed Antoine with false hopes while France was in so precarious a situation: ”esto seria por c.u.mplir con Vandome y entretenerle, por estar Francia en los terminos en que esta,” etc.

Papiers d'etat du cardinal de Granvelle, vi. 344.]

[Footnote 1213: De Thou, iii. 78, 79.]

[Footnote 1214: Hist. eccles. des egl. ref., i. 419 (the author of which, however, erroneously gives the end of November as the date of their departure); Jean de Serres, Commentarii de statu relig. et reipubl., i. 345 (who makes the same mistake); De Thou, iii. 99. ”Cur autem aliquid adhuc spei habeam, illud etiam in causa est quod _nudius tertius_ Guisiani omnes serio discesserunt, omnibus bonis invisi, ac plerisque etiam malis. Abiit quoque Turnonius et Conestabilis....

Probabile est aliquid simul moliri, sed tamen incerto eventu. De hoc intra paucos dies certi erimus, utinam ne nostro malo.” Letter of Beza to Calvin, Oct. 21, 1561, Baum, ii., App., 110.]

[Footnote 1215: That the Huguenots were about this time as sanguine as their opponents were despondent, may be seen from the prediction of Languet (letter of October 9th), that unless the opposite party precipitated a war within two or three months, everything would be safe; so great would be the accession of strength that the reformers would actually be the strongest. At court everything tended in that direction, and the queen mother herself was not likely to try to stem the current.

Martyr, it was reported, had several times brought tears to her eyes, when conversing with her. ”However,” dryly observes the diplomatist, ”I am not over-credulous in these matters.” Epist. secr., ii. 145.]

[Footnote 1216: Throkmorton to Queen Elizabeth, Paris, November 26, 1561, State Paper Office.]

[Footnote 1217: Others besides Jeanne were apprehensive. The Viscount de Gruz, in his memorial to Queen Elizabeth (Sept. 24, 1561), stated that the king's const.i.tution was so bad that he was not likely to live long, for he ate and slept very little. His brothers were equally infirm in health. Monsieur D'Orleans had a very bad cough, and the physicians feared that he had the disease of his late brother, Francis; while Monsieur D'Anjou had been ill for more than a year, and was dying from day to day. State Paper Office.]

[Footnote 1218: Letters of Beza, Oct. 21st and Nov. 4th, _ubi supra_.

”Tantum abest ut impetrarim (abeundi facultatem) ut etiam regina ipsa me accersitum expresse rogarit ut saltem ad tempus manerem.”]

[Footnote 1219: ”Nam ex singulis parlamentis duo huc evocantur ad diem decembris vicesimum,” etc. Beza to Calvin, Oct. 30, Baum, ii., App., 117; Histoire eccles. des egl. ref., i. 418.]

[Footnote 1220: ”Je ny voulu faillir de vous advertir,” writes the Prince of Conde in an autograph postscript of a letter (of Oct. 10th) thanking the magistrates of Zurich for Martyr's visit to France, ”des entreprinses des Seigneurs de Guyse et de Nemours, ennemys de la vraye religion, qui, voyants que soub le regne du roy de France, le regne de Jesus Christ sestoit tellement advance que facillement lon pouvoit appercepvoir que la tyrannie de Lantechrist de Romme seroit en brief totallement decha.s.see du dit pays, apres sestre bande du coste du Roy d'Espaigne, pour maintenir la dicte tyrannie papale delibererent de desrober et emmener en Espaigne, au Roy Phelippe, le second fils de France monsieur d'Orleans, esperans que soub le nom du dit jeusne prince frere du Roy ils auroient occasion de faire la guerre en France et contre les Evangelistes, estimans que bientost le pape donneroit le royaulme de France au premier occupant selon sa Tyrannique coustume,”

etc. Baum, ii., App., 102, 103. Nemours, after his conspiracy was discovered, fled from court. He wrote, however, disclaiming any ulterior object in his invitations to the young Prince of Orleans, to whom he had in jest proposed to go with him to Spain.]

[Footnote 1221: Hist. eccles. des egl. ref., i. 419-421. Cf. Beza to Calvin, Nov. 4th, Baum, ii., App., 120.]

[Footnote 1222: Letter of Beza, Nov. 4th, _ubi supra_; ”Regina nescio quo modo libenter me videt, quod est apud multos testata, et re ipsa sum expertus. Ideo cupiunt nostri proceres me his manere, quasi fidei et obedientias nostrarum Ecclesiarum obsidem tantisper dum in futuro illo conventu aliquid certi const.i.tuatur, et ipsi conventui me volunt interesse.”]

[Footnote 1223: Beza's letters, _apud_ Baum, ii., App., 117, 121, 122; Hist. eccles. des egl. ref., i. 418.]

[Footnote 1224: ”Graces a Dieu, les choses sont bien changees en peu d'heure, estant maintenant faicts guardiens des a.s.semblees ceux-la mesme qui nous menoyent en prison.” Postscript to Beza's letter of Nov. 4th, Baum, ii., App., 122.]

[Footnote 1225: ”C'est merveille des auditeurs des lecons de Monsieur Calvin; jestime quils sont journellement plus de mille.” Letter of De Beaulieu, Geneva, Oct. 3, 1561, Baum, ii., App., 92.]

[Footnote 1226: Letter of De Beaulieu, _ubi supra_, 91.]

[Footnote 1227: ”Mais ne nous a este possible jamais recouvrer ung ministre, quelque diligence que nous avons faicte, seulement par quelqu'un de nous faisons faire des prieres ainsi que par vostre Eglise sont dressees.” Lettre de l'eglise de Foix a la Venerable Compagnie (1561); Gaberel, i., Pieces justif., 165-167.]

[Footnote 1228: Lettre de Fornelet a, l'eglise de Neufchatel, Oct. 6, 1561, Baum, ii., App., 95-100, Bulletin, xii. 361-366; Letter of Fornelet to Calvin, of the same date, Bulletin, etc., xiv. 365.]