Volume I Part 56 (1/2)

Catharine was not, however, satisfied with this general apology; she even undertook to express to the pontifical court her idea of some of the reforms which were dictated by the times.[1080] On the fourth of August--nearly three weeks before Beza's arrival--she wrote a letter to Pius the Fourth of so radical a character that its authenticity has been called into question, although without sufficient reason. After acquainting the Pope with the extraordinary increase in the number of those who had forsaken the Roman Church, and with the impossibility of restoring unity by means of coercion, she declared it a special mark of divine favor that there were among the dissidents neither Anabaptists nor Libertines, for all held the creed as explained by the early councils of the Church. It was, consequently, the conviction of many pious persons that, by the concession of some points of practice, the present divisions might be healed. But more frequent and peaceful conferences must be held, the ministers of religion must preach concord and charity to their flocks, and the scruples of those who still remained in the pale of the Church must be removed by the abolition of all unnecessary and objectionable practices. Images, forbidden by G.o.d and disapproved of by the Fathers, ought at once to be banished from public wors.h.i.+p, baptism to be stripped of its exorcisms, communion in both forms to be restored, the vernacular tongue to be employed in the services of the church, private ma.s.ses to be discountenanced. Such were the abuses which it seemed proper to correct, while leaving the papal authority undiminished, and the doctrines of the Church unaffected by innovations.[1081] To such a length was a woman--herself devoid of strong convictions, and possessing otherwise little sympathy with the belief or the practice of the reformers--carried by the force of the current by which she was surrounded. But, whether the letter was dictated by L'Hospital, or inspired by Bishop Montluc--at this time suspected of being more than half a Huguenot at heart--the fact that a production openly condemning the Roman Catholic traditional usages on more than one point should have emanated from the pen of Catharine de'

Medici, is certainly somewhat remarkable. At Rome the letter produced a deep impression. If the Pope did not at once give utterance to his serious apprehensions, he was at least confirmed in his resolution to redeem his pledge in respect to a universal council, and he must have congratulated himself on having already despatched an able negotiator to the French court, in the person of the Cardinal of Ferrara, a legate whose intrigues will occupy us again presently.[1082]

[Sidenote: Beza's flattering reception.]

Despite Pope and prelates, Beza met with the most flattering reception.

He was welcomed upon his arrival by the princ.i.p.al statesmen of the kingdom. L'Hospital showed his eagerness to obtain the credit of having introduced him. Coligny, the King of Navarre, and the Prince of Conde betrayed their joy at his coming. The Cardinals of Bourbon and Chatillon shook hands with him. Indeed, the contrast between Bourbon's present cordiality and his coldness a year before at Nerac, provoked Beza to make the playful remark that ”he had not undergone any change since the cardinal had refused to speak to him through fear of being excommunicated.”[1083] Afterward, attended by a numerous escort,[1084]

the reformer was conducted to the quarters of the Prince of Conde, where the princess and Madame de Coligny showed themselves ”marvellously well disposed.” On the morrow, which was Sunday, Beza preached in the prince's apartments before a large and honorable audience. Conde himself, however, was absent, engaged in making that unfortunate St.

Bartholomew's Day reconciliation with the Duke of Guise, of which mention has already been made.[1085] Certainly neither Beza nor the other reformers could complain of the greeting extended to them. ”They received a more cordial welcome than would have awaited the Pope of Rome, had he come to the French court,” remarks a contemporary curate with a spice of bitterness.[1086]

[Sidenote: Beza meets Cardinal Lorraine.]

[Sidenote: The cardinal professes to be satisfied.]

[Sidenote: A witty woman's caution.]

That very evening Beza and Lorraine crossed swords for the first time in the apartments of Navarre.[1087] The former, coming by invitation, was much surprised to find there before him not only Antoine and his brothers, but Catharine de' Medici and Cardinal Lorraine, neither of whom had he previously met. Without losing his self-possession, however, he briefly adverted to the occasion of his coming, and the queen mother in return graciously expressed the joy she would experience should his advent conduce to the peace and quietness of the realm. Hereupon the cardinal took part in the conversation, and said that he hoped Beza might be as zealous in allaying the troubles of France as he had been successful in fomenting discord--a remark which Beza did not let pa.s.s unchallenged, for he declared that he neither had distracted nor intended to distract his native land. From inquiries respecting Beza's great master, Calvin, his age and health, the discourse turned to certain obnoxious expressions which Lorraine attributed to Beza himself; but the latter entirely disclaimed being their author, much to the confusion of the cardinal, who had expected to create a strong prejudice against his opponent in the minds of the by-standers. The greater part of the evening, however, was consumed in a discussion respecting the real presence. Beza, while denying that the sacramental bread and wine were trans.m.u.ted into the body and blood of Christ, was willing to admit, according to Calvin's views and his own, ”that the bread is sacramentally Christ's body--that is, that although that body is now in heaven alone, while we have the signs with us on earth, yet the very body of Christ is as truly given to us and received by faith, and that to our eternal life, on account of G.o.d's promise, as the sign is in a natural manner placed in our hands.”[1088] The statement was certainly far enough removed from the theory of the Romish Church to have consigned its author to the flames, had the theologians of the Sorbonne been his judges. But it satisfied the cardinal,[1089] who confessed that he was little at home in a discussion foreign to his ordinary studies--a fact quite sufficiently apparent from his confused statements[1090]--and did not attempt to conceal the little account which he made of the dogma of transubstantiation.[1091] ”See then, madam,” said Beza, ”what are those sacramentarians, who have been so long persecuted and overwhelmed with all kinds of calumnies.” ”Do you hear, cardinal?” said the queen to Lorraine. ”He says that the sacramentarians hold no other opinion than that to which you have a.s.sented.”[1092] With this satisfactory conclusion the discussion, which had lasted a couple of hours,[1093] was concluded. The queen mother left greatly pleased with the substantial agreement which the two champions of opposite creeds had attained in their first interview, and flattering herself that greater results might attend the public conferences. The cardinal, too, professed high esteem for Beza, and said to him, as he was going away: ”I adjure you to confer with me; you will not find me so black as I am painted.”[1094]

Beza might have been pardoned, had he permitted the cardinal's professions somewhat to shake his convictions of the man's true character. He was, however, placed on his guard by the pointed words of a witty woman. Madame de Crussol, who had listened to the entire conversation, as she shook the cardinal's hand at the close of the evening, significantly said, in a voice loud enough to be heard by all: ”Good man for to-night; but to-morrow--what?”[1095] The covert prediction was soon fulfilled. The very next day the cardinal was industriously circulating the story that Beza had been vanquished in their first encounter.[1096]

[Sidenote: A Huguenot pet.i.tion.]

[Sidenote: Vexatious delay.]

[Sidenote: The pet.i.tion informally granted.]

The Protestant ministers, a.s.sembled at St. Germain about ten days before Beza's arrival,[1097] had, with wise forethought, presented to the king a pet.i.tion embracing four points of prime importance.[1098] They guarded against an unfair treatment of the cause they had come to maintain, by demanding that their opponents, the prelates, should not be permitted to const.i.tute themselves their judges, that the king and his council should preside in the conferences, and that the controversy should be decided by reference to the Word of G.o.d. Moreover, lest the incidents of the discussion should be perverted, and each party should so much the more confidently arrogate to itself the credit of victory as the claim was more difficult of refutation, they insisted on the propriety of appointing, by common consent of the two parties, clerks whose duty it would be to take down in writing an accurate account of the entire proceedings. To so reasonable a pet.i.tion the court felt compelled to return a gracious reply. The requests could not, however, be definitely granted, the ministers were told, without first consulting the prelates, and gaining, if possible, their consent.[1099] This was no easy matter.

Many of the doctors of Poissy, and even some members of the council, maintained that with condemned heretics, such as the Huguenots had long been, it was wrong to hold any sort of discussion.[1100] Day after day pa.s.sed, but the attainment of the object for which the ministers had come seemed no nearer than when they left their distant homes. They were not yet permitted to appear before the king and vindicate the confession of faith which they had, several months before, declared themselves prepared to maintain.[1101] Meantime it was notorious that their enemies were ceaselessly plotting to arrange every detail of the conference--if, indeed, it must be held--in a manner so unfavorable to the reformers, that they might rather appear to be culprits brought up for trial and sentence, before a court composed of Romish prelates, than as the advocates of a purer faith.[1102] At length, weary of the protracted delay, the Protestant ministers presented themselves before Catharine de' Medici, on the eighth of September, and demanded the impartial hearing to which they were ent.i.tled; and they plainly announced their intention to depart at once, unless they should receive satisfactory a.s.surances that they would be s.h.i.+elded from the malice of their enemies.[1103] It was well for the Protestants that they exhibited such decision. Catharine, who always deferred a definite decision on important matters until the last moment--a habit not unfrequently leading to the hurried adoption of the means least calculated to effect her selfish ends--was constrained to yield a portion of their demands.

In the presence of the Protestants an informal decree was pa.s.sed, with the consent of Navarre, Conde, Coligny, and the chancellor[1104]--those members of the council who happened to be in the audience chamber--that the bishops should not be made judges; that to one of the secretaries of state should be a.s.signed the duty of writing out the minutes of the conference, but that the Protestants should retain the right of appending such notes as they might deem proper. The king would be present at the discussions, together with the princes of the blood. But Catharine peremptorily declined to grant a formal decree according these points. This, she said, would only be to furnish the opposite party with a plausible pretext for refusing to enter into the colloquy.[1105]

Meanwhile she urged them to maintain a modest demeanor, and to seek only the glory of G.o.d, which she professed to believe that they had greatly at heart.[1106]

[Sidenote: Last efforts of the Sorbonne to prevent the colloquy.]

The Romish party, however, was unwilling to approach the distasteful conference without a final attempt to dissuade the queen from so perilous an undertaking. As the Protestants left Catharine's apartments, a deputation of doctors of the Sorbonne entered the door. They came to beg her not to grant a hearing to heretics already so often condemned.

If this request could not be accorded, they suggested that at least the tender ears of the king should be spared exposure to a dangerous infection. But Catharine was too far committed to listen to their pet.i.tion. She was resolved that the colloquy should be held, and held in the king's presence.[1107]

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 968: Evidently the Guises had acquiesced with so much alacrity in the convocation of the States General only because of their confidence in their power to intimidate any party that should undertake to oppose them. Chantonnay, the Spanish amba.s.sador, informed Philip of this before Francis's death, and gave the Cardinal of Lorraine as his authority for the statement: ”Le ha dicho el cardenal de Lorrena que para aquel tiempo avria aqui tanta gente de guerra y se daria tal orden que a qualquiera que quiziesse hablar se le cerra.s.se la boca, y a.s.si ne se hiziesse mas dello que ellos quiziessen.” Simancas MSS., _apud_ Mignet, Journal des savants, 1859, p. 40.]

[Footnote 969: Letter of Beza to Bullinger, Jan. 22, 1561, Baum, ii., App., 18.]

[Footnote 970: From Nov. 20th to Dec. 1st, De la Place, 77, 78.]

[Footnote 971: La Planche, 418.]

[Footnote 972: ”Si possible estoit,” wrote Calvin, ”il seroit bon de leur faire veiller le corps da trespa.s.se, comme ils out faict jouer ce rosle aux aultres.” Letter to ministers of Paris, Lettres franchises, ii. 347.]

[Footnote 973: ”Lutherano more sepultus Lutheranorum hostis.” Letter of Beza to Bullinger, _ubi supra_, p. 19. ”Dont advint un brocard: que le roy, ennemy mortel des huguenauds, n'avoit pen empescher d'estre enterre a la huguenaute.” La Planche, 421.]