Part 3 (1/2)
[21] ”A report of the voyage and successe thereof, attempted in the yeere of our Lord 1583 by Sir Humfrey Gilbert Knight, with other gentlemen a.s.sisting him in that action, intended to discover and to plant Christian inhabitants in place convenient, upon those large and ample countreys extended Northward from the cape of Florida, lying under very temperate climes, esteemed fertile and rich in minerals, yet not in the actuall possession of any Christian prince, written by M. Edward Haie gentleman, and princ.i.p.all actour in the same voyage, who alone continued unto the end, and by G.o.d's speciall a.s.sistance returned home with his retinue safe and entire.” See Hakluyt (ed.
1904), vol. viii. pp. 34 seq.
[22] Rogers, _op. cit._, p. 40.
CHAPTER IV
EARLY HISTORY (_continued_). BEGINNING OF A PERFECT ENGLISH COLONY
We have seen that many nations shared in the profits of the Newfoundland trade, but the English and French soon distanced all other compet.i.tors. The explanation lies in the conflicting interests which these two great and diffusive Powers were gradually establis.h.i.+ng on the American mainland. It is worth while antic.i.p.ating a little in order to gain some landmarks. In 1609 the colonization of Virginia began in earnest; a few years later sailed the Pilgrim Fathers in the _Mayflower_, to found New England. In 1632 Lord Baltimore founded Maryland, to be a refuge for English Roman Catholics. Meanwhile, France had not been idle in the great northern continent. The intrepid Champlain trod boldly in the perilous footsteps of Cartier, and Port Royal was founded in 1604, Quebec in 1608. Later still came the splendid adventure of La Salle, who forced his way--a seventeenth century Marchand--from the sources of the Mississippi to the Gulf of Mexico, thus threatening to cut off the English settlers from expansion to the west. A glance at the map will reveal the immense strategic importance of Newfoundland to two Powers with the possessions and claims indicated above. No doubt a consciousness of deeper differences underlay the keenness of commercial rivalry.
The hardy sailors, mainly from the west country, who carried on the trade for England, came when the season began, and sailed away with its close, returning in the following year to the portion of the beach which each crew had pegged out for its own operations. A feeling of proprietors.h.i.+p soon sprang from uninterrupted user, and signs of jealousy appeared of any attempt at permanent settlement. This local feeling, combining with interested influence at home, did much to stunt the growth of the colony; the old colonization theory inherited from Spain was still powerful, for the American Revolution had not yet revealed the handwriting on the wall.
In 1585 English vessels and sailors were seized in Spanish waters under the pretext of a general arrest. Accordingly, by way of reprisal Gilbert's plan of 1577 (which has already been referred to) was revived by Walsingham, and Sir Walter Raleigh, then vice-admiral of the western counties, was instructed to despatch vessels for the purpose of intercepting Spanish fishermen proceeding to the Newfoundland waters. A flotilla under the command of Sir Barnard Drake (cousin of Sir Francis) sailed to Newfoundland, and took a considerable number of Spanish and Portuguese prizes and prisoners.
The disaster to the Spanish Armada in 1588 was a drastic blow to Spanish power at sea, a signal for England's maritime ascendancy, and an impetus to more rational, consistent, and practical methods of colonization, in which great Companies and great fleets partic.i.p.ated--fleets that prepared the way for the establishment and development of our incomparable Navy, the mighty bulwark of our Empire. The turning-point at the close of the sixteenth century is thus indicated by Mr Rogers: ”Large creative ideals, the usual delusions about Cathay, gold, and silver, and a desire to retaliate against Spain, inspired both Raleigh's and Gilbert's efforts; and after their failures the history of colonization turned over a new leaf. There were no more colonies founded in anger, the old delusions about Cathay and gold and silver melted into thin air, and the large Elizabethan ideals were accompanied by small projects, which after a time dimmed and obscured them.”[23] With James I. and the wise influence of Bacon came an increased interest in the ”plantations,”
and G.o.d's silly va.s.sal (as a justly irritated divine called the King to his face) does not suffer in this respect from a comparison with his contemporaries.
After the colonization of Virginia and Maine had begun, Sir John Popham, who had done much to set on foot the schemes relative to these American settlements, recollecting the attempts that had been made to colonize Newfoundland, suggested to the merchant adventurers of Bristol that they should make new efforts to establish colonies on the island. The King's support having been promised, funds were raised, and a royal charter was granted to a company on April 27th, 1610, designated ”The Treasurer and the Company of Adventurers and Planters of the City of London and Bristol for the Colony or Plantations in Newfoundland.” London and the West of England were thus a.s.sociated, as they had been in the Virginian Company of 1606. There were forty-six members, including the Earl of Northampton, Sir Francis Bacon, Thomas Aldworth, Mayor of Bristol, John Guy and Philip Guy of Bristol; and the territory granted to them comprised the lands from Cape St. Mary to Cape Bonavista. The same year John Guy, the first Governor, led out the first colony to Newfoundland, landed at Conception Bay, and selected for his capital Cuper's Cove (Port de Grave). Guy and his companions then built a fort, a dwelling-house, a workshop, and a boat, sowed corn, and made preparations for the winter. Next fis.h.i.+ng ordinances were issued by the Governor. ”That struck the first note of a conflict which was to last for 150 years, and of which the echoes may yet be heard. The fishermen, merchants, and seamen who flocked to the coast for the fis.h.i.+ng season vehemently resented anything which might seem to threaten their turbulent lawlessness, and the great merchants in England, who were profiting by the fisheries, were jealous lest the planters should in some way interfere with their operations; but, for a time, the planters had sufficient influence through the patentees in England to maintain themselves.”[24] After a sojourn of six summers--though only three winters--in Newfoundland, Guy returned to Bristol, and spent the remainder of his life there in his aldermanic dignity.
He was succeeded (1615) in the Governors.h.i.+p by Captain John Mason who, together with Sir Ferdinando Gorges, founded New Hamps.h.i.+re and Maine.
Mason stayed six years in the island; he explored it, prepared a map of it, encouraged the growth of corn successfully, and with less success endeavoured to establish commercial intercourse with the Red Indians.
In 1618 appeared the ”Briefe discourse of the New-found-land by Captain John Mason.” After a discerning account of the attractions of his theme, the writer concludes:
”I might hear further discourse of our discoveries ... but these may suffice as _verb.u.m sapienti_; being of sufficient trueth to remouve errours ... also to take away malicious and scandelous speeches of maligne persons, who out of envy to G.o.d and good actions (instructed by their father the Devill) have sought to despoil it of the dewe and blamish the good name thereof.”
Disorders having occurred after Mason's arrival, Sir Richard Whitbourne, an Exmouth sea-captain who had had many years fis.h.i.+ng experience in the Newfoundland waters, was despatched to investigate the disputes between the settlers and the fishermen. He reported that 250 sail of English fishermen, and 400 of ”French, Portugals, and Biscaines” resorted to the coast. His mission failed, owing to the dilatory nature of the inquiry and the difficulties in getting the contesting parties to attend, as they were in scattered places. Then the merchants, having an eye to their own profit, proceeded to divide the occupied territory into a number of shares, which the recipients afterwards resold.[25] ”The colony from time to time shed portions of itself, division led to sub-division, and new characters appeared upon the scene.”[26] Other companies were thus formed, charters granted, and settlements made, most of which were confined to the peninsula of Avalon. With these enterprises several distinguished names were connected: for example, Sir William Vaughan, who sent out colonists in 1617 and 1618: Henry Cary, Lord Falkland, who bought land on the east coast, called it South Falkland, despatched a number of emigrants, but did not himself visit the island; Sir George Calvert, a leading Roman Catholic, who took out co-religionists.
In 1627 Sir George Calvert, better known as Lord Baltimore, was granted by charter the fancifully named Province of Avalon (after Avalon in Somersets.h.i.+re), which embraced a considerable portion of the island's area. Calvert established himself at Ferryland--the name being a corruption of Verulam, so called after the great Chancellor--and stayed only long enough to infuse a tenacious Roman Catholic strain into the island. Finding the climate too cold, however, he applied for a more southerly colony for himself and forty companions. In reply, the King said that the climate was not too cold, but that Sir George Calvert was too soft, and had better return home.
But he had in the meantime transferred himself and his forty followers to the milder climes of the south, and there established Maryland, whose capital, Baltimore, was named after the founder's family t.i.tle.
Perhaps the turbulence of his surroundings, and the troubles with the French, were not to his taste. Law and order were indeed far to seek, and there were neither civil tribunals nor military forces. We may suppose that the ”Fis.h.i.+ng Admirals,” authorized by the Star Chamber and confirmed in their authority by 10 and 11 William III., c. 25, had already a.s.serted a _de facto_ jurisdiction on the spot, for it is hardly credible that the mere wantonness of legislative invention can have produced such a tribunal. To antic.i.p.ate for a moment: the Act provided that the master of the first s.h.i.+p arriving from England with the season should be admiral of the harbour; to the masters of the second and third in order were given the t.i.tles of vice-admiral and rear-admiral. To this tribunal were committed fis.h.i.+ng disputes in general, and the maintenance of peace among sailors and fishermen. It may be supposed that these rough sailors were both corrupt and inefficient. ”I must be a pretty sort of a judge if I could not do justice to myself,” said one west country sailor, when charged with delivering an interested judgment. At the close of the season the judges disappeared, together with their cargoes of blubber and cod.
In spite of all these drawbacks the island was gradually increasing in reputation. Writers, as well as returned ”planters” and visitors, did much to make it known. Thus Sir Richard Whitbourne, to whom reference has already been made, wrote in his ”Discourse of Newfoundland”
(1622): ”Divers wors.h.i.+pful citizens of the City of Bristol have undertaken to plant a large circuit of that country, and they have maintained a Colony of his Majesties subjects there any time those five years who have builded there faire houses, and done many other good services, who live there very pleasantly, and they are well pleased to entertaine upon fit conditions such as wilbe Adventurers with them.” And he quotes from a letter from Captain Wynne of August 17th, 1622: ”At the Bristow Plantation there is as goodly rye now growing as can be in any part of England; they are also well furnished with swine, and a large breed of goates, fairer by farre than those that were sent over at the first.”
In 1628 Robert Hayman, who accompanied the above-mentioned expedition of 1610, published a book ent.i.tled ”Quodlibels, lately come over from New Britaniola, Old Newfound-Land,” etc. Among the ”epigrams” are a number of verses, in which he pays a tribute to leading North American colonizers, sets out the advantages offered by the new colony, and makes many apt and wise observations regarding colonization. The reader will no doubt welcome a few pa.s.sages, which he may regard--to use Livy's phrase--as ”deverticula amoena” in this account of our subject.
_To the Wors.h.i.+ppful Captaine John Mason, who did wisely and worthily governe there divers yeeres._
The aire in Newfound-land is wholesome, good; The fire, as sweet as any made of wood; The waters, very rich, both salt and fresh; The earth more rich, you know it is no lesse Where all are good, fire, water, earth, and aire, What man made of these foure would not live there?
_To all those worthy women, who have any desire to live in Newfound-land._
Sweet creatures, did you truely understand The pleasant life you'd live in Newfound-land, You would with teares desire to be brought thither: I wish you, when you goe, faire wind, faire weather: For if you with the pa.s.sage can dispence [= bear]
When you are there, I know you'll ne'r come thence.
_In praise of my Newfound-land._
Did some know what contentment I found there, Alwayes enough, most times somewhat to spare.
With little paines, lesse toyle, and lesser care, Exempt from tanings, ill newes, lawing, feare....