Part 12 (1/2)

During the Malawi Congress Party (MCP) government, the autonomy of the MBC was much compromised. The senior management tended to be political appointees, and programs were expected to support the views of the party and government. Dr. Hastings Banda's speeches and attendance of ceremonies, no matter how long, were broadcast live, and repeated in the evening, to ensure that everyone could listen to them. This was sanctioned by the Malawi Broadcasting Corporation Act, which in effect restricted access to Malawi airwaves to those opposed to the government. In the period leading to the referendum, the MBC continued to be an organ of the MCP government and refused to broadcast debates between the various parties.

After the change of government in 1994, discussions took place regarding the repeal of the act and its replacement by the Communications Act, which would allow for the establishment of the Malawi Communications Regulatory Authority (MACRA). The latter, an independent body, would control communications services by way of license providers. This way it was hoped that the MBC would be truly autonomous and open to different political views. However, by 2011, the bill to effect these changes had yet to be pa.s.sed, and the MBC act remained operational with the effect that the MCP and other opposition organizations complained of the United Democratic Front (UDF) government's domination of the broadcasting corporation. By and large, the corporation tends to side with whichever government is in power, and the UDF has also expressed misgivings about the dominance of Bingu wa m.u.t.h.arika's Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) over the broadcasting organization.

MALAWI COMMUNICATIONS REGULATORY AUTHORITY (MACRA). Under the authority of the Communications Act (Section 3) of 1998, MACRA replaced the Malawi Telecommunications Corporation Ltd. as a regulatory body of all matters concerning broadcasting. It was one of the organizations that replaced the Malawi Posts and Telecommunications Corporation, which had until then dealt not only with certifying the telecommunications industry, including the broadcasting and postal sectors, but also had ensured fair compet.i.tion and had acted as an arbiter of disputes between various parties in the general field. See also MALAWI BROADSCATING CORPORATION.

MALAWI CONFEDERATION OF CHAMBERS OF COMMERCE AND INDUSTRY (MCCCI). This umbrella organization of business and industry in Malawi goes back to 1892 when Europeans in the emerging commercial agricultural sector established the Agriculture Chamber of Commerce. As the business sector grew in the early 1900s, it changed its name to the a.s.sociated Chambers of Commerce and Industry (ACCI) to reflect its expanded role as the mouthpiece of trade and industry as a whole. After independence from British rule, the ACCI and the various African commercial organizations amalgamated to form the Malawi Chamber of Commerce and Industry.

During Dr. Hastings Banda's Malawi Congress Party government, the Malawi Chamber of Commerce and Industry had a low profile but, with the liberalization of the economy and politics in the post-1994 period, it became one of the most influential a.s.sociations in the country. The government and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) began to take seriously its p.r.o.nouncements on the economy, and its secretariat, manned by well-trained personnel, regularly issued reports on economic trends in Malawi. In 2000, the Malawi Chamber of Commerce and Industry changed its name to the Malawi Confederation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry.

MALAWI CONGRESS PARTY (MCP). On 2 March 1959, a State of Emergency was declared in Nyasaland, and the Nyasaland African Congress (NAC) was banned and its leaders.h.i.+p jailed. In September of that year, the released Congress members were permitted by the Protectorate government to form another political organization. Accordingly, in September 1959, Orton Chirwa, a lawyer of the NAC, having been released early, founded the Malawi Congress Party, becoming acting president, with Aleke Banda as the secretary general. Dr. Hastings K. Banda, still in Gweru prison, was kept informed of Congress activities. Members.h.i.+p in the MCP grew quickly and an aggressive broadside, the Malawi News, propagated the party's position. The MCP refused to negotiate with British officials until Dr. Banda was released from prison. When Banda left Gwelo in April 1960, he found that the administrative skills of the ChirwaBanda team had provided him with an efficient political machine.

One of the early actions of the MCP was the effective mobilization of African opinion against the Monckton Commission, which most Malawians proceeded to boycott. The Lancaster House Conference, called by the British government in London in July 1960, agreed to a new Const.i.tution and designated elections for the following year. In the months of preparation for those elections, Dr. Banda worked closely with local MCP members, choosing the candidates carefully. In the election campaign, the MCP had promised voters advancement in the civil service, modernization of agriculture, better education, and a neutral foreign policy. When the August 1961 election results were announced, the MCP had won every (20) lower roll seat and one-quarter of the upper roll for a total of 23 seats in the Legislative Council (LEGCO). Banda a.s.sumed the post of minister of natural resources. Governor Glyn Jones soon granted 7 of 10 of the Executive Council's seats to the MCP.

The most serious break in the unity of the Malawi Congress Party was the Cabinet Crisis of September 1964. As a direct result of the challenge to power represented by that event, an MCP convention of October 1965 adopted a Const.i.tution that made Malawi a one-party state. Furthermore, the new Const.i.tution, effective in 1966, established Malawi as a republic with a president who was the head of the government and army. The National a.s.sembly, which in theory was the seat of authority, could be called into session or dissolved at the president's will. As a practical consequence, the power lay with the president and the ruling party. Candidates in the 1966 election ran unopposed and, in 1971, the election was aborted by Banda and all nominated candidates were considered elected.

The president's control over the MCP permitted him to exert immense influence over the members of Parliament. Disagreements with the president resulted in a loss of party members.h.i.+p; and by law, no one could retain a parliamentary seat who was not a member of the MCP. A 1973 victim of this law was Aleke Banda who had been a loyal supporter of the president for many years. Since the MCP was the only party permitted in Malawi and because it was effectively controlled by the life president, most Malawian citizens regarded the government and the party as synonymous. In the 1974 party const.i.tution, it was stated that the MCP was the government of Malawi; subsequently, party officials were given priority over equally ranked government officials. Party control was held by Dr. Banda and his executive committee, a.s.sisted by regional and district committees, and, at the base of the political pyramid, area and local committees. Whereas the district committees met monthly, the area and local committees met biweekly and weekly, respectively. Often at the regional level, the government ministers and party officials were one and the same. Through Press Holdings Ltd., the MCP and Banda, who was chairman and the major shareholder, managed to control a significant segment of Malawi's economy. Press Holdings had investments in tobacco estates, an oil company, the Commercial Bank of Malawi, a chain of supermarkets, the manufacturing industry, and many other ventures.

The MCP was able to use its considerable authority to enlist community support for the success of rural self-help schemes or new government projects. When there were citizen grievances, the MCP would alert the government on behalf of the populace, or, conversely, monitor it for antigovernment activities. In this regard, the League of Malawi Women, the Youth League, and the Young Pioneers played a major role as guardians of what the party stood for.

In the period 199294, the MCP strongly resisted moves toward multiparty politics, arguing that such a step would encourage disunity in the country. It lost the referendum in 1993 and, in the following June, it lost power to the United Democratic Front (UDF). Banda retained the presidency of the MCP but, in effect, Gwanda Chakuamba, the vice president, led the organization. After Banda's death, Chakuamba was elected president of the party, amid signs of disunity, as some would have preferred John Tembo. In the 1999 elections, the MCP formed an alliance with the Alliance for Democracy (AFORD) but lost to Bakili Muluzi's UDF. However, it gained some seats in the northern and southern regions, especially in Nsanje district, the home of Chakuamba. In 2008, John Tembo was the MCP's presidential candidate, and he formed an alliance with the UDF, with high hopes of winning. However, Bingu wa m.u.t.h.arika retained the presidency, and the MCP lost many seats in the National a.s.sembly, even in the central region, which has always been its stronghold. After the elections, there were calls from within the party for Tembo to relinquish its leaders.h.i.+p in favor of a younger person.

MALAWI COUNCIL FOR THE HANDICAPPED (MACOHA). In 1972, the Malawi Parliament pa.s.sed an act enabling the formation of an organization with a specific mission to handle problems a.s.sociated with the handicapped. This was the birth of MACOHA. Besides vocational training and rehabilitation, MACOHA raises funds to help it further its aims, and the International Labour Organization (ILO) is one of its major supporters. MACOHA has a tie-dye workshop in Lilongwe but is more famous for its weaving factory at Bangwe, near Limbe, which produces, among other items, mats, bedspreads, and wall hangings. In 1997, the factory caught fire, leading to damage and loss of property and jobs on the part of the many disabled who manned it. It was rebuilt and has returned to its normal functions.

MALAWI COUNCIL OF CHURCHES. This a.s.sociation of most Protestant churches in Malawi was const.i.tuted in 1939 as the Consultative Board of Federation Missions. In 1942, it became the Christian Council of Nyasaland, and in 1964, the Christian Council of Malawi. It changed its name again in 1998 to the Malawi Council of Churches. Among other functions it coordinates on matters that affect member churches and acts as their mouthpiece whenever they present joint opinions on politics, religion, the economy, and society. After the 2009 presidential elections, the Malawi Council of Churches issued a statement urging John Tembo of the Malawi Congress Party to concede rather than continue to challenge the results.

MALAWI DEMOCRATIC PARTY (MDP). One of the political parties formed in 1992 to exert more pressure on President Hastings Banda to liberalize politics in Malawi. The founder of the party, Kamlepo Kalua, campaigned for political reform from South Africa where he used Channel Africa of the South African Broadcasting Corporation to transmit his views to Malawi. Compared with the United Democratic Front (UDF), Malawi Congress Party (MCP), and the Alliance for Democracy (AFORD), the MDP is a very small organization. It contested the 2004 elections as part of the Mgwirizano Alliance of several parties. It did not win any seats in Parliament, and in 2009, it did not contest, although Kaluwa's statements suggested that he tended to support the UDF. Although small and not represented in the National a.s.sembly, it continues to be vocal, especially on issues such as corruption, human rights, education, and health.

MALAWI DEVELOPMENT CORPORATION (MDC). This holding company, established in 1964 with direct responsibility to the president of Malawi, is charged with developing new enterprises in mining, commerce, agriculture, and manufacturing. Initially, funding was from Great Britain but, later, the government controlled the shares of this holding company, which until recently had equity in nearly 60 enterprises. Between the MDC, Press Corporation Ltd. and the Agricultural Development and Marketing Corporation (ADMARC), an intricate, often confusing, interlocking directorate existed, as each parastatal owned a portion of the other and its subsidiaries.

By the mid-1980s, the MDC was being managed so badly that the European Community (now the European Union) had to a.s.sist in its restructuring and it reduced by half its equity interest portfolio. By the end of the decade, the MDC was enjoying rising profits. At the behest of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the postHastings Banda government embarked on a program of privatizing some of the enterprises controlled by the MDC. Among those that had gone through the process by 2010 were Optichem (Malawi) Ltd., Portland Cement Company, Brick and Tile Company, Packaging Industries (Malawi Ltd.), Cold Storage Company Ltd., and Agrimal (Malawi) Ltd.

MALAWI FINANCIAL POST. In 1992, this weekly was the first alternative publication to appear in Malawi, thereby breaking up the domination of the pro-Banda/Malawi Congress Party Malawi News and the Daily Times. The weekly quickly identified itself with the advocates of political reform, particularly the United Democratic Front (UDF) Party. Its editor, Alaudin Osman, had previously edited the Daily Times and, for most of the 1980s, had worked as a senior journalist in Botswana. He was later to be President Bakili Muluzi's chief press spokesman, and after the 1999 elections, left public service to return to private enterprise. See also NEWSPAPERS.

MALAWI GROWTH AND DEVELOPMENT STRATEGY (MGDS). Started during the 20067 fiscal year and due to last until 201011, the MGDS is a broad program of the government's development objectives and guidelines for government departments, parastatal organizations, the private sector, civil society, and donors in making policy relating to the socioeconomic development of Malawi. Its six princ.i.p.al interrelated priority areas meant to meet the Millennium Development goals are agriculture and food security, irrigation and water development, integrated rural development, energy generation and supply, and management of HIV/AIDS and nutrition.

The MGDS is a revision of the Malawi Poverty Reduction Strategy (MPRS), which in 2004 the incoming government of Bingu wa m.u.t.h.arika argued was inadequate in attaining the targets of the Millennium Development goals. Most of the funding for the MGDS is from external agencies. See also FOREIGN AID.

MALAWI HEALTH EQUITY NETWORK (MHEN). Established in 2000, this body brings together individuals and organizations in Malawi interested in advancing quality health and access to good health services for everyone. Comprised of 50 varied organizations, including training inst.i.tutions, MHEN seeks to attain its aims through, among other means, research, influencing government policy, and raising funds from donor agencies. It has a six-person board of trustees and has working relations with human rights organizations in Malawi, and with international nongovernmental organizations, such as Equinet Africa, Health Initiative in Africa, and Equity in Health.

MALAWI INSt.i.tUTE OF MANAGEMENT (MIMS). Located just outside Lilongwe on the road to the international airport, the Malawi Inst.i.tute of Management was established with the a.s.sistance of the Canadian government in the late 1980s. It serves as an in-service training center for middle and upper level management personnel, and since the early 2000s has an arrangement to offer tuition on behalf of the University of Derby in England for its master's degree in management. In the 21st century, the inst.i.tute has become a key center for training and upgrading personnel in various aspects and levels of management in the private sector and in public service, including the military, government, and parastatal organizations.

MALAWI INVESTMENT PROMOTION AGENCY (MIPA). This Lilongwe-based agency was created in 1991 by an Act of Parliament and is charged with the responsibility of promoting private and foreign investment in the country. The MIPA helps to create an attractive atmosphere for investment by, among other things, ensuring that investors do not contend with bureaucratic and minor impediments in their endeavors.

MALAWI POVERTY REDUCTION STRATEGY (MPRS). Influenced by the new ideas of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank of dealing with poverty in developing regions, the Malawi government in 2002 announced a plan, the Malawi Poverty Reduction Strategy, to act as a framework for the public service and other parties interested, and involved, in the country's development and in solving problems of poverty by empowering the poor. There were four areas that became the project's princ.i.p.al guidelines: growth that focused on the poor, through investing in rural Malawi, and through promoting substantive and lasting natural resources, by effective agricultural research and extension; development of human capital, mostly in health and education; bettering the quality of life for the needy and insecure; as part of good governance, defined by, among other things, sensitive and efficacious public inst.i.tutions, ensured security and affordable justice. See also ECONOMY; MALAWI GROWTH AND DEVELOPMENT STRATEGY.

MALAWI PRESS. See PRESS CORPORATION LIMITED.

MALAWI RIFLES. See ARMY.

MALAWI SOCIAL ACTION FUND (MASAF). Created in 1995, this plan aimed to promote and support self-help community-based development projects such as water and sanitation, education, energy, health services, and transportation. It is decentralized in the sense that the main office provides funding, mostly from donor agencies, and if necessary, some expert advice, but the priorities are decided by communities and at the district level. It is a way of vesting power to individuals, households, and communities in choosing and implementing projects that improve their socioeconomic well-being. Another objective is that decentralization also enables the poor rural communities with the possibility of greater savings and investment. There are three stages of the plan: MASAF 1: 1995 to 1999; MASAF 2: 1999 to 2003; and MASAF 3: 2003 to 2015.

MALAWI YOUNG PIONEERS. See YOUTH.

MALEKEBU, DR. DANIEL SHARPE (c. 18901978). Born in Chiradzulu district, Daniel Malekebu, in 1905, became the first Malawian graduate of John Chilembwe's mission to study abroad in the United States. By arrangement, Malekebu followed Emma Delany to the United States where he completed high school before going on to the North Carolina Negro College, now North Carolina Central University. Upon graduation, he entered the Meharry Medical College in Nashville, Tennessee, qualifying as a medical doctor in 1917. He went on to study theology so that he could go back home as a medical missionary, which he did in 1926, his return having been delayed because the colonial government in Malawi feared the possibility that his arrival would rekindle pro-Chilembwe sentiments. Malekebu reorganized and administered the Providence Industrial Mission (PIM) for over 30 years, placing emphasis on training nurses and teachers. He was a key personality in the Chiradzulu Native a.s.sociation in the 1930s, bringing to the government's attention serious cases of injustice, and generally working to promote a better quality of life for those to whom he ministered.

MALEMIA. Area in Zomba district deriving its name from Yao chiefs who have ruled it since the late 1860s when they were forced to move from the Chikala Hills to Domasi by the actions of the ambitious Kawinga and by the push of the Maseko Ngoni into the s.h.i.+re Valley area. It was Malemia with whom the Scottish missionaries had to negotiate before they could establish stations at Zomba and Domasi.

MALEWEZI, JUSTIN CHIMERA (1944 ). Vice president of Malawi since 1994, Malewezi was born in Ntchisi district in 1944, educated at Robert Laws Secondary school in Dowa district, before going to Columbia University in the United States, where he graduated with a bachelor of science degree in biology. Upon his return to Malawi in 1967, he became a teacher and then an education administrator, rising to the rank of chief education officer. Later he became a princ.i.p.al secretary and was promoted to the position of secretary to the president and cabinet, the highest civil servant in the country. In 1991, Malewezi fell out of favor with the Hastings Banda government and lost his job. In the following year, he became a founding member of the executive committee of the Alliance for Democracy (AFORD).

However, by the end of 1993, Malewezi had joined the United Democratic Front (UDF). After the 1994 elections, he became vice president of Malawi, an office he retained in June 1999 when the UDF was returned to power, and he was elected to the National a.s.sembly as the member for Ntchisi North-East. He had the added responsibility as minister of privatization. In January 2004, he resigned from the UDF and joined Aleke Banda's People's Progressive Movement (PPM), becoming its vice president. Before the presidential and general elections of the year, the PPM and other parties formed an alliance, Mgwirizano, to present one candidate to oppose President Bakili Muluzi. At that stage, he resigned from the PPM and stood as an independent presidential candidate. He lost, but retained his Ntchisi North-East seat in the National a.s.sembly. In May 2009, he retired from active politics, and continued his work concerning health and development issues, including HIV/AIDS.

MALINDI. Located a few miles northeast of Mangochi, this site became one of the most important centers of the Universities' Mission to Central Africa (UMCA). Malindi became the home of St. Michael's Teacher's College and, later, St. Michael's Secondary School. It also has a large mission hospital.

MALINKI, JAMES. Leading pastor in the SeventhDay Adventist Church and son of Morrison Malinki, James was a missionary in the Belgian Congo (now Democratic Republic of the Congo) for many years and is credited with pioneer work for his church in northern Malawi. He established mission stations at Luwazi in Nkhata Bay district and at Mombera in Mzimba, both of which became major religious and educational centers. In 1952, Queen Elizabeth II awarded Malinki the Certificate of Honour.

MALINKI, KALINDE MORRISON (c. 18701957). Educationist, evangelist, and friend of John Chilembwe, Morrison Malinki's family was Ngoni, and he was taken into slavery by the Chikunda in the Tete area where he was born. His mother escaped to Mwanza on the MalawiMozambique border, taking her children with her and, later, they moved to Mpemba near Blantyre. In about 1884, Malinki became a student at the Blantyre Mission school. In 1892, he joined Joseph Booth's Zambezi Industrial Mission where he befriended John Chilembwe and Gordon Mataka.

In 1897, already a teacher and preacher, he became a founding member of the African Christian Union whose main objective was to champion African interests. In this regard, he began establis.h.i.+ng schools in which he emphasized self-reliance and sound education based on Christian principles. Chileka, north of Blantyre, became his main area of activity. In 1902, he affiliated with the Plainfield Industrial Mission at Malamulo, Thyolo, thereby becoming a member of the Seventh-Day Adventist Church and, from 1904 to 1920, he was the church's inspector of schools, covering the entire southern province. He became mission leader at Monekera in the Chileka, Blantyre, area and, in 1927, he was ordained pastor. Unlike his friend, Chilembwe, he advocated moderation and shunned militancy. However, despite these differences, and although he did not support the Chilembwe uprising, Malinki was briefly arrested in 1915, mainly because of his a.s.sociation with the Providence Industrial Mission (PIM) leader.

MALOTA, DONALD. In 1878, Malota became an employee of Jonathan Duncan, one of the lay missionaries at Blantyre Mission. Malota was one of the mission employees whom Mrs. Christine Duncan taught privately in her house. Upon her death in 1883, Malota began to take care of the Duncan's baby daughter and accompanied the bereaved family to Scotland, where he attended school for a year and was baptized. On his return, he taught at the mission and was regarded as an exemplary member of the African staff. In the late 1880s, Malota became involved in the ivory trade in which many European settlers, including former mission employees such as John Buchanan, were active partic.i.p.ants. Soon he chose to devote his time to business, obtaining the lease of 200 acres of land in Nguludi area and establis.h.i.+ng D. Malota & Brothers. By 1900, he had planted 80 acres of coffee; he also grew maize and raised livestock, mainly cattle, goats, and sheep, and built a large modern house.

Malota was employed by Eugene Sharrer from whom he received a good salary. The latter job involved recruiting labor in the Ntcheu and Dedza area for European planters in the s.h.i.+re Highlands. This was a highly compet.i.tive and violent business, which often included beatings, raiding and burning villages, rapes, and murder. In February 1901, Malota and his a.s.sistant, Mbatata, were charged with murder and condemned to death, but, in April, he escaped while on his way from Zomba to Blantyre, where he was due to be executed. He was never recaptured. In 1903, his Nguludi estate was sold to the Montfort Marist Fathers, a Roman Catholic order that had just arrived in the country. His other property was sold to European settlers and to Indians.

MANDA, EDWARD BOTI. This articulate clergyman trained as a teacher at Livingstonia and, after teaching at the Overtoun Inst.i.tution for some years, qualified as a minister in 1916 and was ordained two years later. In 1925, while a minister at Karonga, he was suspended from the church after he was convicted of misappropriating funds. He regained church members.h.i.+p a year later and was reinstated to the ministry in July 1929. A fiery, politically alert, and widely read preacher with a great interest in history, Manda had followed the fate of black Americans and their progress after emanc.i.p.ation. Manda is also a.s.sociated with the reemergence in the 1930s of the Chikulamayembe paramountcy over the Tumbuka-speaking peoples north of the South Rukuru River. With Saulos Nyirenda, he was a princ.i.p.al advisor to the movement for the recognition of the Chikulamayembe as the princ.i.p.al traditional authority of what would later be Rumphi district. In this, Manda was pitted against the M'mbelwa of the Ngoni whose advisors included Charles Chinula and Yesaya Chibambo.

MANG'ANJA. The Mang'anja are the original inhabitants of the s.h.i.+re Highlands and the s.h.i.+re Valley, and they const.i.tute the southern section of the Maravi peoples. Their language, ciMang'anja (ciNyanja), is basically the same as chiChewa. In the second half of the 19th century, most of the Mang'anja in the s.h.i.+re Highlands fell under the rule of the various Yao chiefdoms that established themselves in the region.

MANGOCHI. Located at the southern end of Lake Malawi, Mangochi was until the mid-1960s called Fort Johnston. In 196465, Mangochi, Henry Chipembere's home district, was a center of resistance to Dr. Hastings Banda and the Malawi Congress Party (MCP). Antigovernment forces attacked the boma, killing a senior policeman's wife, and proceeded toward Zomba but failed to cross the s.h.i.+re River at Liwonde.

Mangochi district is also famous for four reasons: Malindi, one of the major centers of the Anglican church, is situated to the northeast of the boma; its beaches and resorts; its fis.h.i.+ng industry; and as a major tobacco growing area.

MANGWAZU, TIMON SAM. Born in Kasungu and educated at Oxford University, he was the leader of the Malawi National Democratic Party (MNDP) and its presidential candidate in 1994. He spent a major part of the postcolonial period as an amba.s.sador, serving in, among other countries, Great Britain, West Germany, and the United States. In 1994, he lost his bid for the presidency of Malawi but was included in Bakili Muluzi's first cabinet. Thereafter he retired from active politics.

MANJAMKHOSI, HILDA. This strong Malawi Congress Party (MCP) loyalist and longtime chair of the Lilongwe district League of Malawi Women was openly opposed to the democratization of Malawi and was one of the people angered by the Catholic Bishops' Pastoral Letter, ”Living Our Faith,” to the extent that she and others advocated punitive action against the clerics.

MANKHAMBA. On the banks of the Linthipe River, this is the location of the first Phiri Kalonga who would establish the Maravi state. It became their religious center.

MANNING, WILLIAM HENRY (18631932). One of the people much linked with the extension of British rule in the Lake Malawi region, Manning graduated from Cambridge University and the Royal Military College, Sandhurst, and served in the Indian army before transferring to central Africa, where he saw action in Rhodesia and British Central Africa in 189394. Three years later, he was promoted to the rank of lieutenant colonel and commander of the Central Africa Regiment, and he is particularly a.s.sociated with the campaign against the Ngoni chief, Mpezeni, in 1898, and the fort he used in this action was later named after him. From 1901 to 1907, he was inspector general of the King's African Rifles, and during part of that time (19023), he commanded his armed force against Sayyid Muhammad 'Abd Allh al-Hasan (Mad Mullah). In 1904, he was knighted and, between October 1907 and May 1908, he acted as governor and commander in chief of Nyasaland, a position he occupied on a full-time basis from 1910 to 1913 when he became governor of Jamaica. He served in the same capacity in Ceylon from 1918 to 1925. He retired in 1925. See also FORT MANNING.

MANTHIMBA. Located in present-day Salima district, Manthimba or Maravi was the headquarters of the Maravi state and became a major commercial center with links to the east coast, west to Bisa country, and south and southwestward to the Zambezia region.

MANUFACTURING. This relatively small sector accounts for between 12 and 25 percent of gross domestic product, employs about 4.6 percent of the labor force, and, because it is heavily dependent on the processing of agricultural products, is extremely seasonal. During colonial rule, local industries processed agricultural commodities such as cotton, tea, tobacco, and sugar for local consumption and for export. This industrial pattern did not change until the 1960s and 1970s when the production of import-subst.i.tution consumer goods was introduced into the economy, and the items concerned included cigarettes, household utensils, soap, soft drinks, beer, shoes, edible oils, and textiles.

This industrial policy has continued, as well as those directed toward expanding food processing industries and establis.h.i.+ng small-scale rural industries. However, in the 1990s, the textile industry, particularly David Whitehead, faced challenges, mostly from imported secondhand clothes, and unsuccessfully tried to get government protection. Incentives promoting industrial development included protected markets, generous depreciation allowances on capital expenditure, customs duty exemptions, low-cost industrial sites, and popular liberal provisions for the repatriation of profits and capital. In the 1970s and 1980s, industrial activities were affected by external influences: worldwide inflation and the closure of the Mozambique border, both of which resulted in higher costs for raw materials, equipment, and spare parts.