Part 29 (2/2)
”If small concessions and trifles have been referred to,” said the revolutionary Karl Liebknecht, ”it must not be understood that by this it is meant to undervalue the practical work of the Badenese, but that what has been attained is considered to be small, when measured by the greatness of our aims. The so-called radicals, these are the true reformers, the realistic political reformers who do not overlook the forest on account of the trees.”
Bebel, in two long speeches delivered at this Congress, defined the Socialist att.i.tude to existing governments and existing political parties in a way that no longer leaves it possible that any earnest student of Socialism can misunderstand it. He was supported by the overwhelming majority of the Congress when he said that the policy of the Baden Social-Democrats meant practically the support of the National Liberals; that is to say, of the conservative party of the large capitalists. The Socialists of Germany all consider that the parties nearest related to theirs are the Radical or small capitalist parties, formerly called the ”Freethinkers” and the ”People's” parties (Freisinnige and Volkspartei) and now united under the name Progressive Party. But a tacit alliance with these alone could not have been brought about in Baden, so that the Socialists there favored going so far as to ally themselves for all practical purposes with the chief organization representing the bankers, manufactures, and employers--with the object, of course, of overcoming the conservatives, the Catholic and aristocratic parties.
”Now all of a sudden we hear that our tactics are false, that we must ally ourselves with the National Liberals,” said Bebel. ”_We even have National Liberals in our party.... But if one is a National Liberal, then one must get out._ The Badenese speak of the great results which they have obtained with the help of the Great Alliance [_i.e._ an alliance with both National Liberals and Radicals]. Now results which are reached with the help of the National Liberals don't bring us very far.
”If we combine with capitalistic parties, you can bet a thousand to one that we are the losers by it. It is, so to speak, a law of nature, that in a combination of the right and the left the right draws the profits.
Such a combination cripples criticism and places us under obligations.”
”_The government can well conciliate the exploited cla.s.ses in case of necessity, but never with a fundamental social transformation in the direction of the socialization of society._” The reader must here avoid confusion. Bebel does not say that the ruling cla.s.s cannot or will not bring about great legislative and political reforms, such as large governmental undertakings of more or less benefit to every cla.s.s of the community, like ca.n.a.ls or railways, but that such measures as are _conceded to the Socialist pressure_ and at _the same time actually work in the direction of Socialism are few and insignificant_. Bebel's meaning is clear if we remember that we do not move towards Socialism unless the reforms when taken together are sufficient both _to counteract governmental changes and the automatic movement of society in the opposite direction_.
Frank tried to make out that his action and that of his companions in allying themselves with a progressive capitalist government was similar to that taken by the Socialists in other countries. He mentioned Denmark, England, and Austria, and one of the governments of Switzerland (Berne), and also claimed that the Belgians would probably support a Liberal government in case they and the Liberals gained a majority. All these statements except one (that concerning England) Bebel denied. We do not need to take his interpretation of the Austrian situation, however, any more than Frank's, for an Austrian delegate, Schrammel, was present and explained the position of his party. ”If we voted for the immediate consideration of the budget, we voted only for taking up the question and not for the budget itself.... I declare on this occasion that the comrades can rest a.s.sured as to our conduct in the Austrian Parliament, that we would under no circ.u.mstances vote for a budget without having the consent of our comrades in the realm. We will not act independently, but will always submit ourselves to the decisions of the majority taken for that particular occasion.” It would seem from this that the Austrians are considering the possibility of voting for the budget under certain circ.u.mstances. But the Germans would also do this much, and it is uncertain whether the cases in which the Austrians would take this action would be any more frequent.
As to the English att.i.tude, Bebel said: ”The English cannot serve us as a model for all things, first because England has quite other conditions, and secondly, because there is no great Social-Democratic Party there at the present moment. Marx would no longer point to trade unions there as the champions of the European proletariat. From 1871 Marx showed the German Social-Democracy that it was its duty to take the lead. We have done this, and we will continue to do it, if we are sensible.” As to Denmark, Bebel said that he was a.s.sured by one of the most prominent representatives of the Danish movement that even if the Socialists and Radicals had secured a majority in the recent elections, that the former would not have become a part of the administration.
France had also been mentioned by some of the speakers, since Jaures and his wing of the French Party had at one time favored the policy of supporting a progressive capitalist government. But Bebel reminded the Congress that Jaures had expressly declared that he had not been persuaded to vote against the budget by the resolution to that effect pa.s.sed at the International Congress of Amsterdam, but that, after a long hesitation, he did it ”out of his own free conviction.”
Bebel did not hesitate to condemn roundly those who were responsible for this latest effort to lead the party to abandon its principles. He did not deny that a majority of the organization in Baden and also in Hesse agreed with its representatives. But he attributed this partly to the fact that the revisionists controlled the Baden party newspapers, which he accused of being partisan and of not giving full information, and partly to the regrettable influence of ”leaders.” Similar conditions occur internationally, and Bebel's words, like so much that was said and done at this Congress, have the highest international significance.
”The peoples cannot at all grasp why one still supports a government which one would prefer to set aside to-day rather than to-morrow,” he said. ”A part of our leaders no longer understand, and no longer know what the ma.s.ses have to suffer. You have estranged yourselves too much from the ma.s.ses.
”Formerly it was said that the consuls should take care that the state suffers no harm. _To-day one must say, let the ma.s.ses take care that the leaders prepare no harm. Democratic distrust against everybody, even against me, is necessary. Attend to your editors._” These expressions, like the others I have quoted, received the greatest applause from the Congress.
It was almost unanimously agreed that, although the Socialist members of the Baden legislature had acted against the decision of the previous Nuremburg Congress, it was neither wise nor necessary to proceed so far as expulsion, and Bebel especially was in favor of acting as leniently as possible, but this does not mean that he found the slightest excuse for the minority or that he failed to let them understand that he would fight them to the end, if they did not yield in the future to the radical majority.
”If a few among us should be mad enough,” he said, ”to think of a split, I know it is not coming. The ma.s.ses will have nothing to do with it, and if a small body should follow, it would not take three months until we would have them again in our armies. Our friends in South Germany who are against our resolution ought to ask themselves if, since the Nuremburg Congress, there has not appeared a noteworthy reversal of sentiment. Now to-day North Bavaria is thoroughly against the granting of the budget. Nuremburg is decidedly against it. Stuttgarters and others who spoke at that time occupied an entirely different standpoint to-day. The Hessian minority against the granting of the budget was never as strong as it is to-day. In Hanover voices are to be heard which expressed themselves very differently before, but are now also against it. If anybody thinks that he can easily escape from all these phenomena, then he is mightily mistaken. I guarantee that I could draw out quite another sentiment in Baden.” ”Try once!” it was called out from the audience, and Bebel answered: ”Yes, we are ready to do this if we must. The proletarians of Baden would have to be no proletarians at all if it were otherwise.”
The princ.i.p.al resolution on the question, signed by a large minority of the Congress, proposed that any persons who voted for a budget by that very act automatically ”stood outside the party.” Bebel said that this was not the customary method of the organization, and pointed out that no means were provided in the const.i.tution of the party for throwing out a whole group, that the const.i.tution had been drawn up only for individuals, and provided that any one to be expelled should receive a very thorough trial. As opposed to this resolution, he offered a report in the name of the executive committee of the party, which stated, however, that there was no fundamental difference of opinion between the executive and the signers of the resolution above mentioned, but only a difference as to method.
This report declared: ”We are of the opinion that in case the resolution of the party executive is pa.s.sed, and notwithstanding this the resolution is not respected, that then the conditions are present for a trial for exclusion according to Article 23 of the organization statutes.” This article says: ”No one can belong to the party who is guilty of gross misconduct against the party program or of a dishonorable action. Exclusion of a member may also take place if his persistent acts against the resolutions of his party organization or of the party congress damage the interests of the party.”
The pa.s.sage of Bebel's resolution, by a vote of 289 to 80, was an emphatic repudiation of reformism. In the minority, besides the South Germans, were to be found a considerable proportion of the delegates from a very few of the many important cities of North Germany, namely, Hanover, Dresden, Breslau, and Magdeburg, together with an insignificant minority from Berlin and Hamburg.
The South Germans claimed to be fairly well satisfied with the somewhat conciliatory resolution of Bebel in spite of his strong talk. But, as has been the case for many years, they were very aggressive and, in closing the debate, Frank made some declarations which brought the Congress to take even a stronger stand than Bebel had proposed.
”To-day I say to you in the name of the South Germans,” said Frank, ”that we have the very greatest interest in union and harmony in the party. We will do our duty in this direction, but no one of us can declare to you to-day what will happen in the budget votings of the next few years. That is a question of conditions.” This remark caused a great disturbance and was taken by the majority as a defiance and a warning that the South Germans intended to support capitalistic governments in the future. In fact, other remarks by Frank left no doubt of this. ”In Nuremburg,” he said ”we rested our case on the contents of certain points of the budget, namely, the increase of the wages of laborers, and the salaries of officials.
This time we gave the political situation as a ground. These are, as Bebel will concede, different things.”... Frank went on to say that he and his a.s.sociates would obey the resolution of the Congress not to vote for the budget _under the particular conditions_ proscribed at Nuremburg or at Magdeburg. ”But,” he said, ”do you believe that there ever exists a situation in the world which is exactly like another? Do you believe that a budget vote to-day must absolutely be like a budget vote two years from now?”
That is to say, Frank openly and defiantly announced that the South Germans might easily find some new reason for doing what they wanted to do in the future, in spite of the clear will of the Congress.
A new resolution was then brought in by the majority to this effect: ”In view of the declaration of Comrade Frank in his conclusion that he and his friends must take exception to the position taken in the resolution of the Congress, we move that the following sentence from the declaration of Comrade Bebel in support of the motion of the party executive should be raised to the position of a resolution; namely, 'We are of the opinion that in case the resolution of the party executive is pa.s.sed, and notwithstanding the resolution is disrespected, that then the conditions are present for a trial for exclusion according to article 23 of the organization statutes.'”
When this motion was put, Frank and the South Germans left the room, and it was carried by 228 to 64, the minority this time consisting mostly of North Germans. This vote showed the very highest number that could be obtained from other sections to sympathize with the South Germans; for the resolution in its finally accepted form was certainly a very sharp one, and Richard Fisher, a member of the Reichstag from Berlin, and others for the first time took a stand with the minority. It is doubtful, however, whether the total support the South Germans secured at any and all points together with their own numbers reached as high a figure as 120 or one third of the Congress. In the matter of their right openly to disobey the majority, the Baden Party could not even secure this vote, but was only able to bring together against the majority (consisting of 301) seventy-one delegates, nearly all South Germans.
It appears, then, that the overwhelming majority of the German Party is unalterably opposed to ”reformism,” ”revisionism,” opportunism, compromise, or any policy other than that of revolutionary Socialism.
For not only the question of supporting capitalist governments, but all similar policies, were condemned by these decisive majorities.
How much this means may be gathered from the fact that ”revisionists” as the ”reformists” are called in Germany, practically propose that the Socialist Party should resolve itself for an indefinite period into an ordinary democratic reform party in close alliance with other non-Socialist parties.
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