Part 19 (1/2)

Now arose an unexpected complication. There being a tie between Jefferson and Burr, the House of Representatives was called upon to decide between them, its vote being cast by States. Had the majority of the House been Republican, Jefferson would, of course, have received their votes; it was, however, Federalist, and the Federalists thought themselves ent.i.tled to choose that one of their enemies who was least likely to do them harm.

Obscure intrigues were entered upon both with Jefferson and Burr. Neither would make definite promises, although Burr held out hopes of alliance with the Federalists. Hamilton now came forward with a letter in which he declared that of the two men Jefferson was less dangerous. ”To my mind,”

said he, ”a true estimate of Mr. Jefferson's character warrants the expectation of a temporizing rather than of a violent system.” After a long struggle the deadlock was broken; Jefferson was chosen President of the United States, and Burr Vice-President.

92. CAUSES OF THE FALL OF THE FEDERALISTS.

[Sidenote: Unpopularity of the Federalists.]

[Sidenote: Judiciary Act.]

The electoral majority was small; the Federalists preserved their organization, and had the prestige of twelve years of administration; it was impossible to realize that there never again would be a Federalist president. In the election of 1804, however, they received but fourteen electoral votes altogether (-- 100). The reasons for this downfall are many, However popular the French war had been, the taxes made necessary by it had provoked great dissatisfaction; and in 1799 a little insurrection, the so-called Fries Rebellion, had broken out in Pennsylvania. The Sedition prosecutions were exceedingly unpopular, The last acts of the party left a violent resentment. In 1801, after it was known that there would be a Republican President with a large majority in both houses of Congress, the Federalists resolved to bolster up their power in the third department of government. A Judiciary Act was therefore pa.s.sed, creating new courts, new judges, and new salaried officials. All the resulting appointments were made by Adams, and duly confirmed by the Senate, thus antic.i.p.ating by many years any real needs of the country. A vacancy occurring in the chief-justices.h.i.+p, Adams appointed John Marshall, one of the few Virginia Federalists; he had made his reputation as a politician and statesman: even Adams himself scarcely foresaw that he was to be the greatest of American jurists.

[Sidenote: Internal dissensions.]

Still more fatal were the internal dissensions in the party. In 1799 Was.h.i.+ngton died, and no man in the country possessed his moderating influence, The cabinet, by adhering to Hamilton and corresponding with him upon important public matters, had weakened the dignity of the President and of the party. In the election of 1800 Hamilton, besides his open attack on Adams, had again tried to reduce his vote sufficiently to bring Pinckney in over his head. Adams himself, although a man of strong national spirit, was in some respects too moderate for his party. Yet his own vanity and vehemence made him unfit to be a party leader.

[Sidenote: Republican theories.]

While these reasons may account for the defeat of the Federalists, they do not explain their failure to rise again. They had governed well: they had built up the credit of the country; they had taken a dignified and effective stand against the aggressions both of England and of France. Yet their theory was of a government by leaders. Jefferson, on the other hand, represented the rising spirit of democracy. It was not his protest against the over-government of the Federalists that made him popular, it was his a.s.sertion that the people at large were the best depositaries of power.

Jefferson had taken hold of the ”great wheel going uphill.” He had behind him the mighty force of the popular will.

CHAPTER IX.

REPUBLICAN SUPREMACY (1801-1806).

93. REFERENCES.

BIBLIOGRAPHIES.--W. E. Foster, _References to Presidential Administrations_, 8-12; Justin Winsor, _Narrative and Critical History_, VII. 310, 315-320, 336-341, 418-420, 519-522, 527-547; H. B. Tompkins, _Bibliotheca Jeffersoniana_; Channing and Hart, _Guide_, ---- 167-171.

HISTORICAL MAPS.--Nos. 1 and 4, this volume (_Epoch Maps_, Nos. 7 and 9); Labberton, _Atlas_ Nos. lxvi., lxvii.; MacCoun, _Historical Geography_; Scribner, _Statistical Atlas_, Plates 13, 14.

GENERAL ACCOUNTS.--J. B. McMaster, _People of the United States_, II.

538-635; III. 1-338; J. Schouler, _United States_, II. 1-194; Bryant and Gay, _Popular History_, 1. 144-184; H. Von Holst, _Const.i.tutional History_, I. 168-226; R. Hildreth, _United States_, V. 419-686; VI. 25- 148; Geo. Tucker, _United States_, II. 146-348; Bradford, _Const.i.tutional History_, I. 202-329.

SPECIAL HISTORIES.--Henry Adams, _United States_, I.-IV., _John Randolph_, 48-267, and _Life of Gallatin; J. T. Morse, _Jefferson_, 209-300; George Tucker, _Life of Jefferson_; H. S. Randall, _Life of Jefferson_; J. A.

Stevens, _Gallatin_, 176-311; S. H. Gay, _Madison_, 252-282; lives of Burr, Gerry, Plumer, Pickering; T. Lyman, _Diplomacy_; J. C. Hamilton, _Republic_, VII.

CONTEMPORARY ACCOUNTS.--Works of Jefferson, Madison, and Gallatin; J. Q.

Adams, _Memoirs_, I. 248-551; William Sullivan, _Familiar Letters_, 187- 289; Timothy Dwight, _Character of Thomas Jefferson_; S. G. Goodrich, _Recollections_, I. 106-137, 265-298; Basil Hall, _Voyages and Travels_; Timothy Dwight, _Travels_ (1796-1813); Thomas Ashe, _Travels_ (1806); John Mellish, _Travels_ (1806-1811); John Davis, _Travels_ (1798-1802); Isaac Weld, _Travels_; J. Stephens, _War in Disguise_.--Reprints in Mathew Carey, _The Olive Branch_; Henry Adams, _Doc.u.ments Relating to New England Federalism; American History told by Contemporaries_, III.

94. THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF 1801.

[Sidenote: Character of Jefferson.]

To the mind of the Federalists the success of the Republicans, and particularly the elevation of Jefferson, meant a complete change in the government which they had been laboring to establish. Jefferson was to them the type of dangerous liberality in thought, in religion, and in government. In his tastes and his habits, his reading and investigation, Jefferson was half a century in advance of his contemporaries. Books and letters from learned men constantly came to him from Europe; he experimented in agriculture and science. Accused during his lifetime of being an atheist, he felt the attraction of religion, and, in fact, was not far removed from the beliefs held by the Unitarian branch of the Congregational Church in New England. Brought up in an atmosphere of aristocracy, in the midst of slaves and inferior white men, his political platform was confidence in human nature, and objection to privilege in every form. Although a poor speaker, and rather shunning than seeking society, he had such influence over those about him that no President has ever so dominated the two Houses of Congress.