Part 38 (1/2)
But France was not willing to efface all her history from 1792 to 1871, with the exception of the episode of the Restoration, when school histories were circulated mentioning Marengo, Austerlitz, etc., as victories gained under the king's lieutenant-general, M.
de Bonaparte.
During the Empire, under Napoleon III., the Comte de Chambord had remained nearly pa.s.sive at Frohsdorf. His life was pa.s.sed in meditation, devotion, the cultivation of literary tastes, and a keen interest in all the events that were pa.s.sing in his native country. During the Franco-Prussian war he sent words of encouragement to his suffering countrymen, and n.o.bly refrained from embarra.s.sing the affairs of France by any personal intrigues; but when the war and the Commune were over, and his chances of the throne grew bright, he issued a proclamation which has been called ”an act of political suicide.”
On May 8, three weeks before the downfall of the Commune, he put forth his first manifesto. Here is what an English paper said of it a few days before his next--the suicidal--proclamation appeared:--
”The Comte de Chambord does not, of course, surrender his own theory of his own place on earth, but he does offer some grave pledges intended to diminish suspicion as to the deduction he draws from his claim to be king by right divine. He renounces formally and distinctly any intention of exercising absolute power, and pledges himself, as he says, 'to submit all acts of his government to the careful control of representatives freely elected.' He declares that if restored he will not interfere with equality, or attempt to establish privileges. He promises complete amnesty, and employment under his government to men of all parties; and finally he pledges himself to secure effectual guarantees for the Pope [then trembling on his temporal throne in Italy].”
The English journalist continues,--
”The tone of this whole paper is that of a man who believes that a movement will be made in his favor which may succeed, if only the factions most likely to resist can be temporarily conciliated.
There is no especial reason that we can see that he should not be chosen. He has neither sympathized with the Germans, nor received support from them. He has not bombarded Paris. He is not more hated than any other king would be,--perhaps less; for Paris has no gossip to tell of his career. Indeed, there are powerful reasons in favor of the choice. His restoration, since the Comte de Paris is his heir, would eliminate two of the dynastic parties which distract France, and would relink the broken chain of history. And to a people so weary, so dispirited, so thirsty for repose, that of itself must have a certain charm.”
But all these advantages he destroyed for himself by a new proclamation issued five weeks later. In it he said,--
”I can neither forget that the monarchical right is the patrimony of the nation, nor decline the duties which it imposes on me. I will fulfil these duties, believe me, on my word as an honest man and as a king.”
So far was good; but proceeding to announce that thenceforward he a.s.sumed the t.i.tle of Henri V., he goes on to apostrophize the ”White Flag” of the Bourbons. He says,--
”I received it as a sacred trust from the old king my grandfather when he was dying in exile. It has always been for me inseparable from the remembrance of my absent country. It waved above my cradle, and I wish to have it shade my tomb. Henri V. cannot abandon the 'White Flag' of Henri IV.”
This manifesto, written without consulting those who were working for his cause in France, settled the question of his eligibility.
France was not willing, for the sake of Henri V., to give up her tricolor,--the flag of so many memories. Its loss had been the bitterest humiliation that the nation had had to suffer at the Restoration.
The Comte de Chambord's own friends were cruelly disappointed; the moderate Republicans, who had been ready to accept him as a const.i.tutional monarch, said at once that he was far too Bourbon.
There was no longer any hope, unless he could be persuaded, on some other convenient occasion, to renounce the ”White Flag.”
This matter being settled by the Comte de Chambord himself, all M. Thiers' attention was turned to two things,--the disposal of the Communist prisoners, and the payment of the indemnity demanded by the Germans, the five milliards.
We are glad to know that Thiers disapproved of the revengeful feeling that pervaded politicians and society, regarding the Communist prisoners. He tried to save General Rossel, and failed. Rochefort and others he protected. He wished for a general amnesty, excluding only the murderers of Thomas, Lecomte, and the hostages. He said, when some one was speaking to him of the sufferings of those Communists (or supposed Communists) who were confined at Satory and in the Orangerie at Versailles: ”It was dreadful, but it could not be avoided. We had twenty thousand prisoners, and not more than four hundred police to keep guard over them. We had to depend on the rough methods of an exasperated soldiery.”
As to the indemnity, the promptness with which it was paid was marvellous. The great bankers all over Europe, especially those of Jewish connection, came forward and advanced the money. In eighteen months the five milliards of francs were in the coffers of the Emperor William, and the last Prussian soldier had quitted the soil of France. The loan raised by the Government for the repayment of the sums advanced for the indemnity was taken up with enthusiasm by all cla.s.ses of the French people.
The horrible year of 1871 was followed by one of perfect peace and great prosperity. The t.i.tle of President of the French Republic was conferred on M. Thiers for seven years. ”The nation seemed re-flowering, like a large plantation in a spring which follows a hard winter.” Trade revived. The traces of war and civil strife were effaced with amazing promptness from the streets of Paris. The army and all public services were reorganized, and to crown these blessings, the land yielded such a harvest as had not been seen for half a century. M. Thiers was never much addicted to religious emotion; but when, on a Sunday in July, 1872, the news came to him by telegram of the glorious ingathering of the harvest in the South of France, he was quite overcome. ”Let us thank G.o.d,” he cried, clasping his hands. ”He has heard us; our mourning is ended!”
M. Thiers was by that time living in Paris in the elysee. He had continued to reside at the Prefecture of Versailles while the a.s.sembly was in session, but he came to the elysee during its recess, and kept a certain state there. Yet he never would submit himself to the restraints of etiquette. One who knew him well says:--
”He was _bourgeois_ to the finger-tips. His character was a curious effervescing mixture of talent, learning, vanity, childish petulance, inquisitiveness, sagacity, ecstatic patriotism, and ambition. He was a splendid orator, with the voice of an old coster-woman; a _savant_ with the presumption of a school-boy; a kind-hearted man, with the irritability of a monkey; a masterly administrator, with that irresistible tendency to intermeddle with everything which is intolerable to subordinates. He had a sincere love of liberty, with the instincts of a despot.”
M. Thiers had during his long life been a collector of pictures, bronzes, books, ma.n.u.scripts, and curious relics. His house in the Place Saint-Georges was a museum of these treasures, but a museum so arranged that it contributed to sociability and the enjoyment of his visitors. He had acquired this taste for collecting in his early days at Aix. During the Commune his house was razed to the ground, not one stone being left upon another.
When the Commune put forth its decree for this act of vandalism, Thiers' consternation was pathetic. The ladies of his family did everything that feminine energy and ingenuity could suggest to avert the calamity. But when the destruction had taken place, Thiers bore his loss with dignity. His collections were very fine, but he had always been afraid of their being damaged, and did not show them to strangers. When the Commune sent the painter Courbet to appraise their value, he estimated the bronzes alone at $300,000.[1]
M. Thiers' collection of Persian, Chinese, and j.a.panese curios was also almost unique. After the overthrow of the Commune, Madame Thiers and her sister did their utmost to recover such of these treasures as had pa.s.sed into the hands of dealers. Many of these men gave back their purchases, and none demanded extravagant prices.
A great deal was recovered, and the house on the Place Saint-Georges was rebuilt at the public cost.
[Footnote 1: Le Figaro.]
It was on the 5th of September, 1872, that the last German soldier quitted France and the five milliards of francs (in our money a thousand millions of dollars) had been paid.[1]
[Footnote 1: When looking over letters and papers concerning this period, I found among them many original notes from M. and Madame Thiers. They all had broad black borders. I learned afterwards that Thiers and his family used mourning paper so long as a single German soldier remained on French soil. Thiers' writing was thick and splashy. He always wrote with a quill pen. Early in life he had, like Sir Walter Raleigh, projected a History of the World; and as he never wrote of anything whose locality he had not seen, he had made his preparations to circ.u.mnavigate the globe, when he was arrested by the state of public affairs while on his way to Havre.]